丘吉尔的演讲稿
A. 邱吉尔关于NEVER GIVE UP （永不放弃）的英文演讲稿哪里有最好有中文翻译
英国二战时的首相邱吉尔生命中的最后一次演讲是在一所大学的毕业典礼上专，这也属许是世界演讲史上最简单的一次演讲。在本来预计整个20分钟的演讲过程中，他只讲了一句话，而且这句话的内容是重复的，那就是:“Never give up ...
never give up ...
never .. never give up...
B. 丘吉尔在德国入侵苏联后发表的演说有何影响（多方面全角度的影响）
丘吉尔发表如斯言辞剧烈的演说，并非一时心血来潮，而是当时国际形势、英国的好处和丘吉尔的反共情结使然。苏联在德国的打击下，节节败退，形势非常危急。一旦苏联战败投降，整个欧洲就只剩下英国与德国抗衡了，结果也是一样的：失败。所以在这个时候，一向有着反共情节的丘吉尔也积极主张支援苏联，用苏联帮英国人牵制德国的主力。第二次世界大战停滞前后，新的世界格局已见分晓，大英帝国风光不再，沦为二流强国；美国取代英国，转而成为世界第一强国，力主在全世界发号施令；苏联作为社会主义国度不仅成为欧洲最强盛的国度，而且在世界范围内也只有它有实力向美国鸣板。 绝管美、英、苏在二战中曾经是一致对敌的盟友，但跟着战役的停滞，因为彼此间好处的冲突，它们之间的摩擦不断升温。在东欧、中东、希腊、土耳其等地，美国、英国和苏联更是争斗得异常剧烈。美国在战后世界新格局中的一举一动老是受到另一强国苏联的制约，以苏联为首的社会主义阵营也在形成之中。因而，美国政府正在制订着如何对付苏联的决议打算。此时英国惟有的希望是争夺美国舆论，追求美国支持，重建欧洲均势。 从第一次讲话到第二次讲话并不意味着丘吉尔的基本立场发生了变化。因为反共是丘吉尔的一贯立场。其实从某种角度来望，丘吉尔是一个伟大的爱国者。一切以国度的好处为重。二战期间，为了国度的好处积极联共，二战后，时局改变了，他又出于国度的好处，积极反共。
C. 邱吉尔在二战期间对德宣战演讲稿
Iron Curtain Speech
by Winston Churchill, 1946
本文名句： "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent."
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my ecation in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been ecated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, ties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of ty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and ty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step--namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars--though not, alas, in the interval between them--I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by indivial citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our ty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method--the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which proced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"--to quote some good words I read here the other day--why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my ty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my ty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate act
D. 求丘吉尔《我们将战斗到底》的中英翻译演讲稿
中文：“我们将战斗到底。我们将在法国作战，我们将在海洋中作战，我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战，我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩作战，我们将在敌人的登陆点作战，我们将在田野和街头作战，我们将在山区作战。我们绝不投降，即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被征服并陷于饥饿之中——我从来不相信会发生这种情况——我们在海外的帝国臣民，在英国舰队的武装和保护下也会继续战斗，直到新世界在上帝认为适当的时候，拿出它所有一切的力量来拯救和解放这个旧世界。”
英文：
We shall fight in France,
we shall fight on the seas and oceans,
we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air,
we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be,
we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds,
we shall fight in the fields and in the streets,
we shall fight in the hills;
we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the new world, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.
E. 语言的力量：丘吉尔的二战演讲
这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底。
我们必须非常慎重，不要把这次援救说成是胜利。战争不是靠撤退赢得的。但是，在这次援救中却蕴藏着胜利，这一点应当注意到。这个胜利是空军获得的。归来的许许多多士兵未曾见到过我们空军的行动，他们看到的只是逃脱我们空军掩护性攻击的敌人轰炸机。他们低估了我们空军的成就。关于这件事，其理由就在这里。我一定要把这件事告诉你们。
这是英国和德国空军实力的一次重大考验。德国空军的目的是要是我们从海滩撤退成为不可能，并且要击沉所有密集在那里数以千计的船只。除此之外，你们能想象出他们还有更大的目的吗?除此而外，从整个战争的目的来说，还有什么更大的军事重要性和军事意义呢?他们曾全力以赴，但他们终于被击退了;他们在执行他们的任务中遭到挫败。我们把陆军撤退了，他们付出的代价，四倍于他们给我们造成的损失......已经证明，我们所有的各种类型的飞机和我们所有的飞行人员比他们现在面临的敌人都要都好。
当我们说在英伦三岛上空抵御来自海外的袭击将对我们更有好处时，我应当指出，我从这些事实里找到了一个可靠的论据，我们实际可行而有万无一失的办法就是根据这个论据想出来的。我对这些青年飞行员表示敬意。强大的法国陆军当时在几千辆装甲车的冲击下大部分溃退了。难道不可以说，文明事业本身将有数千飞行员的本领和忠诚来保护吗?
有人对我说，希特勒先生有一个入侵英伦三岛的计划，过去也时常有人这么盘算过。当拿破仑带着他的平底船和他的大军在罗涅驻扎一年之后，有人对他说：“英国那边有厉害的杂草。”自从英国远征军归来后，这种杂草当然就更多了。
我们目前在英国本土拥有的兵力比我们在这次大战中或上次大战中任何时候的兵力不知道要强大多少倍，这一事实当然对抵抗入侵本土防御问题其有利作用。但不能这样继续下去。我们不能满足于打防御战，我们对我们的盟国负有义务，我们必须再重新组织在英勇的总司令戈特勋爵指挥下发动英国远征军。这一切都在进行中，但是在这段期间，我们必须使我们本土上的防御达到这样一种高度的组织水平，即只需要极少数的人便可以有效地保障安全，同时又可发挥攻势活动最大的潜力。我们现在正进行着方面的部署。
这次战役尽管我们失利，但我们决不投降，决不屈服，我们将战斗到底，我
们将在法国战斗，我们将在海洋上战斗，我们将充满信心在空中战斗!我们将不惜任何代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩上战斗!在敌人登陆地点作战!在田野和街头作战!在山区作战!我们任何时候都不会投降。即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被敌人占领，并陷于饥饿之中，我们有英国舰队武装和保护的海外帝国也将继续战斗。
这次战役我军死伤战士达三万人，损失大炮近千门，海峡两岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德国将向我国或法国发动新的攻势，已成为既定的事实。法兰西和比利时境内的战争，已成为千古憾事。法军的势力被削弱，比利时的军队被歼灭，相比较而言，我军的实力较为强大。现在已经是检验英德空军实力的时候到了!撤退回国的士兵都认为，我们的空军未能发挥应有的作用，但是，要知道我们已经出动了所有的飞机，用尽了所有的飞行员，以寡敌众，绝非这一次!在今后的时间内，我们可能还会遭受更严重的损失，曾经让我们深信不疑的防线，大部分被突破，很多有价值的工矿都已经被敌人占领。从今后，我们要做好充分准备，准备承受更严重的困难。对于防御性战争，决不能认为已经定局!我们必须重建远征军，我们必须重建远征军，我们必须加强国防，必须减少国内的防卫兵力，增加海外的打击力量。在这次大战中，法兰西和不列颠将联合一起，决不屈服，决不投降!
We Shall Fight to the End
The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God’s good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the Old.
F. 丘吉尔获诺贝尔文学奖发言稿
答谢词：
诺贝尔文学奖在我心目中是意外的殊荣，很遗憾我职责在身，不能亲自来版斯德哥权尔摩，从你们敬爱的国王陛下手中领奖。你们容许我将此任务托付给吾妻，我感激不尽。我有幸列名的案卷代表20世纪世界文学的种种杰出成就。瑞典学会的判断是整个文明世界公认为无私、可信又诚恳的。诸位决定将我收录在内，我引以为荣，也承认有点害怕。但愿你们没有错。我觉得你我双方都冒着相当的危险，我觉得自己不配得奖。不过诸位若不担心，我也不再存疑。
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G. 求一篇丘吉尔的演讲稿英文
Winston Churchill
“At four o’clock this morning, Hitler attacked and invaded Russia. All his usual formalities of perfidy were observed with scrupulous technique. A non-aggression treaty had been solemnly signed and was in force between the two countries. No complaint had been made by Germany of its non-fulfillment. Under its cloak of false confidence, the German armies drew up in immense strength along a line which stretched from the White Sea to the Black Sea. And their air fleets and armoured divisions, slowly and methodically. took up their stations. Then suddenly, without declaration of war, without even an ultimatum, the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities. The German troops violated the Russian frontiers. And an hour later, the German ambassador, who ’til the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship-almost of alliance-upon the Russians, called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed between Germany and Russia. Thus was repeated, on a far larger scale, the same kind of outrage against every form of signed compact and international faith which we had witnessed in Norway, in Denmark, in Holland, in Belgium. And which Hitler’s accomplice and jackal Mussolini, so faithfully imitated in the case of Greece. All this was no surprise to me. In fact, I gave clear and precise warnings to Stalin of Stalin of what was coming. I gave him warnings, as I have given warnings to others before. I can only hope that these warnings did not fall unheeded. All we know at present is that the Russian people are defending their native soil, and that their leaders have called upon them to resist to the utmost. ”
…………….
The Russian danger is therefore our danger and the danger of the United States. Just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free people in every quarter of the globe.
Let us learn the lessons already taught by such cruel experience. Let us re-double our exertion and strike with united strength while life and power remain.”
注释：
formalities：形式，手段，伎俩
perfidy：背信弃义，背叛
scrupulous：严格认真的
in force 有效，在有效期中。
cloak：斗篷；伪装
methodically：有条理地
ultimatum：最后通牒
violated：侵犯
ambassador：大使
lavish：慷慨地给予
alliance：联盟，同盟
accomplice：同谋，帮凶
jackal：走狗，爪牙
unheeded：被忽视的
utmost：最远的，极度的，最大的
hearth and home 家园
exertion：尽力，努力
中文对照：
今天凌晨4时，希特勒已进攻并侵入俄国。他所有形式的狡诈与不忠都被极其审慎地记录下来。德俄曾签署了互不侵犯条约，并互相遵守着。德国在不履行条约之前也没有过任何抱怨。在虚伪的诺言掩护下，德国纠集大量兵力，布置在从波罗地海到黑海的战线上。他们的大机群、装甲师也缓慢而又有序地进入阵地。然后，突然间，没有宣战，甚至没有最后通牒，德国的炸弹突然在俄国城市的上空雨点般地落下，德国军队已侵犯到俄国边境。一小时后，德国大使拜见俄国外交部长，称两国已处于战争状态。而正是这位大使，昨夜还在大放厥词地向俄国人保证友谊和结盟。在很大程度上，这种不顾协约和国际信誉的暴行，是德军在挪威、丹麦、荷兰、比利时等国的暴行，以及希特勒的同党及走狗墨索里尼在希腊对其行为忠实模仿的重演。对于这一切，我都没有什么诧异。事实上，我曾清楚明确地警告过斯大林将要发生的事情。我提醒他，就像我提醒别的国家一样。我只能期望这些警告没有完全落空。现在我们所知道的是俄国人民正在为保卫祖国而战，他们的领袖正在号召他们全力抵抗外来侵略。
……
因此，俄国的危险就是我们的危险，就是美国的危险；为保卫家园而战的俄国人民的事业，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事业。
让我们从如此残酷的经历中吸取教训吧！趁生命和力量尚存之际，让我们加倍努力，团结奋战吧！
H. 丘吉尔1934-1946年以来的所有演讲稿，就是二战时期丘吉尔的所有演讲稿
网上有几篇，但不是全部，建议你去问他儿子，我猜放在他书房里等着你这样博学的人去一一阅读吧...
神啊...
你太伟大了..
I. 关于路的演讲稿
人生与理想演讲稿——战胜挫折 放飞理想
当看到演讲主题之后我一直在想，何为起点？何为终点？生命有起点，人生中处处是起点。生命有终点，可人生有吗？如果有，那古人的思想对我们所起的深刻影响不正代表着一种生命力吗？我继而又想到了一个问题：何为人生？一本书上说，人生就是出生的喜悦不属于你，死去的悲伤也不属于你，只有活着的那一份艰辛属于你。一本书上又说，没有追求，没有作为的人生不能称之为人生。我们以相同的方式来到世上，经历了不同的人生经历之后相聚于北林，我们，一定想要活出自己的人生，在相同的起跑线上，大家一定都编织着自己的梦想。可是大家有谁知道梦想的彼岸在何方？终点，和未来一样不可预知。这中间我们会怎样总是充满神秘。可请大家记住一句真理吧：青春，是一笔财富，我们拥有青春，这便是追求理想最宝贵的财富，没有梦想，没有追寻的青春怎么叫青春？没有彷徨，没有执著追求的青春怎么称为青春？有信念，好样的！有追求，好样的！但是大家是否充分预见过这过程中的困难挫折呢？起点时固然有雄心壮志，终点处固然金光灿烂，但是当生活一步步将理想的锋芒磨平，那雄心壮志不照样会烟消云散吗？不要以为我们是在上大学。不是。高尔基说过：“苦难才是真正的大学。”也有一位伟人说过：“苦难是人生的必经之路。”所以当你拥有了雄心壮志的时候，同时你也要张开双臂迎接苦难。《丘吉尔传》读过吗？这位百年才能诞生一位的演讲天才经过的是怎样的人生经历！大家或许只记得他那十分惨烈的成绩单，却不知道他那孤独的，甚至几次几乎夭折的童年。大家或许只记得他当海军大臣的荣耀，却不知道他从一名普通的骑兵到屡立奇功的战地记者经历种种九死一生的传奇经历。大家或许只记得他那压倒众人，极富煽动性的演讲，却不知道在成长过程中他每每被人嘲笑，讥讽，侮辱的时刻。甚至他那丑陋的长相，矮小的个子总被对手挂在嘴上。大家或许也还只记得他出生在一个贵族之家，应该享尽荣华，却不知道丘吉尔家族从马尔巴罗公爵到伦道夫勋爵之时，温斯顿·丘吉尔青年时所面临的窘境，等等等等。正因为丘吉尔经历的起起伏伏的政坛，坎坎坷坷的人生才成就了他那句不朽的名言：“我能奉献的只有血和泪。”这句话确实充满了血和泪啊。它是由多少苦难积淀而成。也许有人会说：我不想成为丘吉尔那样的伟大人物，那也请记住吧：梦想的高度与苦难的程度是成正比的。所以在起点处就请准备迎接苦难吧。其实追求梦想就想长跑，苦难则是人的生理极限，遇到它只要咬咬呀坚持……
J. 丘吉尔在1946年3月5日发表著名的“铁幕”演说，谁有演讲稿
http://www.soundboard.com/sb/winston.aspx