肯尼迪名言

㈠ 美国总统肯尼迪有一句名言“不要问美国为你做了什么、而要问你为美国做了什么”，谈谈对这句话的理解

这句话不能按字面上解释，因为字面上根本解释不通，美国人会说我们纳税就是在版为国家付出了，那么权政府拿着纳税人的钱，这个时候就应该做你该做的事了。这句话要联系上下文，这是美国总统就职典礼上的一句话，全文意思说的是为了自由我们该做些什么。

㈡ 有关肯尼迪名言中文版

“不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而要问一问你为你的国家做了什么。”

美国同胞们，不要问专国家能为你们做些什属么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。 ——约翰 肯尼迪

㈢ 有关英语的名人名言

1，Genius only means hard-working all one's life. 天才只意味着终身不懈地努力。—— 门捷列耶夫

2，Happiness is a way station between too much and too little.幸福是太多和太少之间的一站—— 佚名

3，To the world you may be one person, but to one person you may be the world.对于世界而言，你是一个人；但是对于某个人，你是他的整个世界—— 佚名

4，It's just a feeling只是一种感觉——佚名

5，Never underestimate your power to change yourself!,永远不要低估你改变自我的能力—— 佚名

6，The secret of success is constancy to purpose.成功的秘密在于始终如一地忠于目标—— 佚名

7，We were( are!) in love我们是被爱中——贝尔·格里尔斯

8，Enrich your life today,. yesterday is history.tomorrow is mystery.昨日已成过去，明天充满神奇—— 佚名

9，The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today.实现明天理想的唯一障碍是今天的疑虑—— 佚名

10，One thorn of experience is worth a whole wilderness of warning.一次痛苦的经验抵得上千百次的告诫—— 佚名

11，Between two stools one falls to the ground.脚踏两头要落空—— 佚名

12，Brian) Above all, he and Vinnie, his wife, gave me Shara.—— 贝尔·格里尔斯

13，A man can succeed at almost anything for which he has unlimited enthusiasm.无论何事，只要对它有无限的热情你就能取得成功—— 佚名

14，Tonight i'm gonna hold you so close今夜我会做个良辰美梦—佚名

15，All time is no time when it is past.机不可失，时不再来—— 佚名

㈣ 橄榄枝的名人名言

"一手抓箭、一手抓橄榄枝"－－肯尼迪
1961年1月，民主党人约翰·肯尼迪在1960年大选中获胜，登上了白宫宝座。肯尼迪上台之后就明确提出了“一手抓箭，一手抓橄榄枝”的“和平战略”。还提出对非洲的“新非洲政策”，对拉丁美洲的“争取进步联盟”，对西欧的“宏伟计划”，等等。
所谓“和平战略”，实质上是在实力地位基础上灵活运用文武两手称霸世界的全球战略，其矛头首先对准了社会主义国家。肯尼迪及其谋士们总结了过去对社会主义国家搞“遏制”“围堵”无助于“和平演变”的教训之后，强调在和平共处、和平竞赛的口号下，通过援助、贸易、旅行、科技与文化交流，设法削弱东欧等社会主义国家“对俄国的经济和意识形态的依附状态，从出现在铁幕上的任何裂缝中培养自由的种子”，“把共产党世界带进我们所寻求的多样化的自由世界中来”。这一“和平战略”也是针对第三世界国家的。主张以“粮食用于和平”计划、“攀亲戚”运动，派遣“和平队”等等，争取新兴的民族独立国家，把它们纳入美国战略轨道。为了以强大的军事力量推进美国的全球扩张，肯尼迪提出了“灵活反应战略”，即既准备打有限核战争和核大战，也准备打常规战争与特种战争。
"我是带着橄榄枝和自由战士的枪来到这里的，请不要让橄榄枝从我的手中掉下。"－－阿拉法特
1974年11月13日，阿拉法特在联合国大会首次发表的讲演中曾说过：“我是带着橄榄枝和自由战士的枪来到这里的，请不要让橄榄枝从我的手中掉下。”然而，他举起的橄榄枝并没有被他的敌人，甚至是他的阿拉伯朋友所接受。
1988年，阿拉法特再一次伸出了橄榄枝。承认包括以色列在内的所有国家在中东地区的生存权利。直到1990年，阿拉法特顶住内外压力，宣布接受联合国决议，巴以从此步入了“土地换和平”、政治解决巴以问题的轨道。橄榄枝才第一次胜过了枪。

㈤ 肯尼迪的名言：最大的危险是无所行动。这句话的英文原话是什么

古巴导弹危机回答My fellow citizens: l..........................................................................................aware of our dangers. But [ the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing ].

㈥ 使命召唤7有句名言,好像是肯尼迪说的.

肯尼迪因为沉溺于现在所以失去了未来，呵呵～

㈦ 肯尼迪的话：不要问国家为你做了什么的原文在那里

原文出自1961年1月20日 美国第35任总统约翰·F·肯尼迪的就职演说。肯尼迪总统就职演说原文如下：

John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

(7)肯尼迪名言扩展阅读

约翰·肯尼迪在第二次世界大战期间，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海军船员，因而获颁紫心勋章。在他总统任期内的主要事件包括：猪湾事件、古巴导弹危机、柏林墙的建立、太空竞赛、越南战争的早期活动以及美国民权运动。

在针对美国总统功绩的排名中，肯尼迪通常被历史学家列在排名的中部偏上的位置，但他却一直被大多数美国民众视为历史上最伟大的总统之一。

肯尼迪于1963年11月22日遇刺身亡，官方在随后的调查报告中公布的结果表明，李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是杀害总统的凶手。

㈧ 肯尼迪的世界名言

“不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而要问一问你为你的国家做了什专么。”属
“Ask not what the country can do for you，ask what you can do for the country”

㈨ ‘我记得肯尼迪总统有句名言'用英语怎么说

I remember a famous saying by President Kennedy.