曼德拉名言

Ⅰ 求曼德拉的名言:"如果天空是黑暗的，那就摸黑生存；如果发出声音是危险的，那就保持沉默；如果自觉无力

这段话原本属于凤凰卫视《冷暖人生》主编季业，写于2012年6月4日。可能有些人为了使得其传播更广，加在了曼德拉身上。在微博上，很多人纠正过出处。

Ⅱ 求曼德拉名言的原文

1.在事情未完成之前，一切都看似不可能。
2.最大的荣耀不是永不跌倒，而是跌到后总能专站起来。属
3.教育是可以用来改变世界的最强有力的武器。
4.一个受过教育的人不会遭受压迫，因为他具有独自思考的能力。
5.如果你想跟你的敌人和解，就要和他共同工作。
6.民主要求尊重少数人的政治权利。
7.评判一个国家不应看它如何对待地位最高的民众，而是看它如何对待穷人或一无所有的人。
8.没有人生来就因为皮肤颜色、出生地或宗教信仰去恨另一个人。恨需要学习，既然人们能够学会恨，那么同样可以教会他们爱。爱比恨更容易走进人类的内心。
9.我没有别的特别信念，除了我们的事业是正义的，这一点非常强大，而且赢得了越来越多的支持。
10.我履行了我对我的人民和南非的责任。我毫不怀疑后代将恢复我的名誉，同样我要说，应当站在这个法庭上的罪犯是政府的成员。

Ⅲ 曼德拉名言:绝地反弹的能力前一句是什么

1，决不愿以酋长身份统治一个受压迫的部族，而要以一个战士的名义投身于民族解放事业。
2，当我走出囚室迈向通往自由的监狱大门时，我已经清楚，自己若不能把痛苦与怨恨留在身后，那么其实我仍在狱中。
3，让黑人和白人成为兄弟，南非才能繁荣发展
4，在那漫长而孤独的岁月中，我对自己的人民获得自由的渴望变成了一种对所有人，包括白人和黑人，都获得自由的渴望。——曼德拉对战争与和平拥有独特的认识。
5，压迫者和被压迫者一样需要获得解放。夺走别人自由的人是仇恨的囚徒，他被偏见和短视的铁栅囚禁着。
6，“我已经把我的一生奉献给了非洲人民的斗争，我为反对白人种族统治进行斗争，我也为反对黑人专制而斗争。我怀有一个建立民主和自由社会的美好理想，在这样的社会里，所有人都和睦相处，有着平等的机会。我希望为这一理想而活着，并去实现它。但如果需要的话，我也准备为它献出生命。”——1964年被判终身监禁时，曼德拉将审讯法庭变成了揭露种族隔离制度罪恶和唤醒广大民众的讲坛。他那长达4个小时的声明是这样结束的。
7，在这次伊拉克战争中，我们看见了美国和布什的一举一动，到底谁是世界的威胁？——曼德拉谴责美国总统布什肆意践踏伊拉克主权。
8，“你(克林顿)如果不高兴就跳进游泳池去吧！”——曼德拉最不喜欢别人对南非指手画脚，1998年3月克林顿访问南非，在联合记者招待会上，曼德拉公开表示南非将与古巴、伊朗、利比亚保持密切关系，并宣布不久将出访伊朗，令与其并肩站在一起的克林顿大为尴尬。
9，“我已经演完了我的角色，现在只求默默无闻地生活。我想回到故乡的村寨，在童年时嬉戏玩耍的山坡上漫步。”——退休后的曼德拉甘愿做一个平民。
10，“我想用乐观的色彩来画下那个岛，这也是我想与全世界人民分享的。我想告诉大家，只要我们能接受生命中的挑战，连最奇异的梦想都可实现！”曼德拉84岁时曾在南非举办了个人画展，作品主题是监狱生活。在27年的铁窗生活中，曼德拉用木炭和蜡笔绘画来打发时间，渐渐形成了独特画风：线条简单、色彩丰富。他最喜欢用画笔讲述自己的铁窗故事，但并不选用“黑暗、阴沉”的颜色，而是明亮轻快的色彩，以此来表现自己乐观积极的心态。
11，“别担心，放轻松，要快乐！”——85岁的曼德拉依然精神矍铄，性格开朗。在这位尝过近30年牢狱之苦的老人心中，自由就是幸福。·“从今往后，我的生活添加了两个重要内容，第一个是格拉萨，第二个是到莫桑比克吃大虾。”——曼德拉与莫桑比克前总统遗孀相伴晚年

Ⅳ 曼德拉的名言有哪些

若想与敌和平共处抄，就要与袭敌并肩作战。敌亦将为友。
If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.
生命中最伟大的光辉不在于永不坠落,而是坠落后总能再度升起。
The greatest brilliance in life lies not in never falling, but fall can always rises again.
当我走出囚室迈向通往自由的大门时，我已经清楚，自己若不能把痛苦与怨恨留在身后，那么其实我人在狱中。
When I walked out of the prison cell towards the door leading to freedom, I have made it clear his own pain and resentment if not able to stay behind, so in fact I still in prison.

Ⅳ 求曼德拉的名言，要3句中英文

若想与敌和平共处，就要与敌并肩作战。敌亦将为友。
If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.
生命中最伟大内的光辉不在于永不坠容落,而是坠落后总能再度升起。
The greatest brilliance in life lies not in never falling, but fall can always rises again.
当我走出囚室迈向通往自由的大门时，我已经清楚，自己若不能把痛苦与怨恨留在身后，那么其实我人在狱中。
When I walked out of the prison cell towards the door leading to freedom, I have made it clear his own pain and resentment if not able to stay behind, so in fact I still in prison.

Ⅵ 曼德拉的名言:“我不助纣为虐,我可倦在墙角……

曼德拉的关于自由的名言有：

1.自由是看不见摸不着的，我的人民任何一个人身上戴着枷锁就等专于所有属人身上都戴着枷锁，而我的人民身上都戴着枷锁也就等于我的身上也戴着枷锁。

2.自由不仅仅意味着摆脱自身的枷锁，还意味着以一种尊重并增加他人自由的方式生活。

3.当我走出囚室迈向通往自由的监狱大门时，我知道，倘若自己无法抛下痛苦与怨恨，那么我其实仍在狱中。”

4.让自由来主宰一切吧。对于如此辉煌的人类成就，太阳永远不会停止照耀。

Ⅶ 曼德拉的英文名言

http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/authors/n/nelson_mandela.html
共两页。
另见英文维基语录
There are many people who feel that it is useless and futile for us to continue talking peace and non-violence — against a government whose only reply is savage attacks on an unarmed and defenceless people. And I think the time has come for us to consider, in the light of our experiences at this day at home, whether the methods which we have applied so far are adequate.
Interview (1961)
Only free men can negotiate; prisoners cannot enter into contracts. Your freedom and mine cannot be separated.
Refusing to bargain for freedom after 21 years in prison, as quoted in TIME (25 February 1985)
I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands.
Speech on the day of his release, Cape Town (11 February 1990)
I remember we adjourned for lunch and a friendly Afrikaner warder asked me the question, "Mandela, what do you think is going to happen to you in this case?" I said to him, "Agh, they are going to hang us." Now, I was really expecting some word of encouragement from him. And I thought he was going to say, "Agh man, that can never happen." But he became serious and then he said, "I think you are right, they are going to hang you."
Interview segment on All Things Considered (NPR) broadcast (27 April 2004)
Let's hope that Ken Osterbroek will be the last person to die.
Spoken shortly after Inkatha announced that they would participate in the 1994 elections. (The Bang-Bang Club p. 168)
The UN took a strong stand against apartheid; and over the years, an international consensus was built, which helped to bring an end to this iniquitous system. But we know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.
Address at The International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People[1]
[edit] First court statement (1962)
Statement on charges of inciting persons to strike illegally, and of leaving the country without a valid passport.
In its proper meaning equality before the law means the right to participate in the making of the laws by which one is governed, a constitution which guarantees democratic rights to all sections of the population, the right to approach the court for protection or relief in the case of the violation of rights guaranteed in the constitution, and the right to take part in the administration of justice as judges, magistrates, attorneys-general, law advisers and similar positions.
In the absence of these safeguards the phrase 'equality before the law', in so far as it is intended to apply to us, is meaningless and misleading. All the rights and privileges to which I have referred are monopolised by whites, and we enjoy none of them. The white man makes all the laws, he drags us before his courts and accuses us, and he sits in judgement over us.
It is fit and proper to raise the question sharply, what is this rigid colour-bar in the administration of justice? Why is it that in this courtroom I face a white magistrate, am confronted by a white prosecutor, and escorted into the dock by a white orderly? Can anyone honestly and seriously suggest that in this type of atmosphere the scales of justice are evenly balanced?
Why is it that no African in the history of this country has ever had the honour of being tried by his own kith and kin, by his own flesh and blood?
I will tell Your Worship why: the real purpose of this rigid colour-bar is to ensure that the justice dispensed by the courts should conform to the policy of the country, however much that policy might be in conflict with the norms of justice accepted in judiciaries throughout the civilised world.
I hate race discrimination most intensely and in all its manifestations. I have fought it all ring my life; I fight it now, and will do so until the end of my days. Even although I now happen to be tried by one whose opinion I hold in high esteem, I detest most violently the set-up that surrounds me here. It makes me feel that I am a black man in a white man's court. This should not be.

[edit] I am Prepared to Die (1964)
Statement in the Rivonia Trial, Pretoria Supreme Court (20 April 1964)
I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites.
I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would proce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not proced even by war. Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.
But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non-violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. If the Court is in doubt about this, it will be seen that the whole history of our organization bears out what I have said, and what I will subsequently say, when I describe the tactics which Umkhonto decided to adopt.
During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for. But, my lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
The ANC has never at any period of its history advocated a revolutionary change in the economic structure of the country, nor has it, to the best of my recollection, ever condemned capitalist society.
[edit] Our March to Freedom is Irreversible (1990)
Friends, Comrades and fellow South Africans. I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands.
The majority of South Africans, black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security. The mass campaign of defiance and other actions of our organization and people can only culminate in the establishment of democracy
There must be an end to white monopoly on political power, and a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic systems to ensure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed and our society thoroughly democratized.
Our march to freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way. Universal suffrage on a common voters' roll in a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony.
[edit] Nobel Prize acceptance speech (1993)
Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Address(10 December 1993)
We speak here of the challenge of the dichotomies of war and peace, violence and non-violence, racism and human dignity, oppression and repression and liberty and human rights, poverty and freedom from want.
We stand here today as nothing more than a representative of the millions of our people who dared to rise up against a social system whose very essence is war, violence, racism, oppression, repression and the impoverishment of an entire people.
I am also here today as a representative of the millions of people across the globe, the anti-apartheid movement, the governments and organisations that joined with us, not to fight against South Africa as a country or any of its peoples, but to oppose an inhuman system and sue for a speedy end to the apartheid crime against humanity.
These countless human beings, both inside and outside our country, had the nobility of spirit to stand in the path of tyranny and injustice, without seeking selfish gain. They recognised that an injury to one is an injury to all and therefore acted together in defense of justice and a common human decency.
Because of their courage and persistence for many years, we can, today, even set the dates when all humanity will join together to celebrate one of the outstanding human victories of our century.
When that moment comes, we shall, together, rejoice in a common victory over racism, apartheid and white minority rule.
That triumph will finally bring to a close a history of five hundred years of African colonisation that began with the establishment of the Portuguese empire.
Thus, it will mark a great step forward in history and also serve as a common pledge of the peoples of the world to fight racism, wherever it occurs and whatever guise it assumes.
In front of this distinguished audience, we commit the new South Africa to the relentless pursuit of the purposes defined in the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children.
The reward of which we have spoken will and must also be measured by the happiness and welfare of the mothers and fathers of these children, who must walk the earth without fear of being robbed, killed for political or material profit, or spat upon because they are beggars.
They too must be relieved of the heavy burden of despair which they carry in their hearts, born of hunger, homelessness and unemployment.
The value of that gift to all who have suffered will and must be measured by the happiness and welfare of all the people of our country, who will have torn down the inhuman walls that divide them.
These great masses will have turned their backs on the grave insult to human dignity which described some as masters and others as servants, and transformed each into a predator whose survival depended on the destruction of the other.
The value of our shared reward will and must be measured by the joyful peace which will triumph, because the common humanity that bonds both black and white into one human race, will have said to each one of us that we shall all live like the children of paradise.
Thus shall we live, because we will have created a society which recognises that all people are born equal, with each entitled in equal measure to life, liberty, prosperity, human rights and good governance.
Such a society should never allow again that there should be prisoners of conscience nor that any person's human right should be violated.
In relation to these matters, we appeal to those who govern Burma that they release our fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, and engage her and those she represents in serious dialogue, for the benefit of all the people of Burma.
We pray that those who have the power to do so will, without further delay, permit that she uses her talents and energies for the greater good of the people of her country and humanity as a whole.
Far from the rough and tumble of the politics of our own country. I would like to take this opportunity to join the Norwegian Nobel Committee and pay tribute to my joint laureate. Mr. F.W. de Klerk.
He had the courage to admit that a terrible wrong had been done to our country and people through the imposition of the system of apartheid.
He had the foresight to understand and accept that all the people of South Africa must through negotiations and as equal participants in the process, together determine what they want to make of their future.
We live with the hope that as she battles to remake herself, South Africa, will be like a microcosm of the new world that is striving to be born.
This must be a world of democracy and respect for human rights, a world freed from the horrors of poverty, hunger, deprivation and ignorance, relieved of the threat and the scourge of civil wars and external aggression and unburdened of the great tragedy of millions forced to become refugees.
We do not believe that this Nobel Peace Prize is intended as a commendation for matters that have happened and passed.
We hear the voices which say that it is an appeal from all those, throughout the universe, who sought an end to the system of apartheid.
We understand their call, that we devote what remains of our lives to the use of our country's unique and painful experience to demonstrate, in practice, that the normal condition for human existence is democracy, justice, peace, non-racism, non-sexism, prosperity for everybody, a healthy environment and equality and solidarity among the peoples.
Moved by that appeal and inspired by the eminence you have thrust upon us, we undertake that we too will do what we can to contribute to the renewal of our world so that none should, in future, be described as the "wretched of the earth".

[edit] Victory speech (1994)
Announcing the ANC election victory, Johannesburg (2 May 1994)
My fellow South Africans — the people of South Africa:
This is indeed a joyous night. Although not yet final, we have received the provisional results of the election, and are delighted by the overwhelming support for the African National Congress.
To all those in the African National Congress and the democratic movement who worked so hard these last few days and through these many decades, I thank you and honour you. To the people of South Africa and the world who are watching: this a joyous night for the human spirit. This is your victory too. You helped end apartheid, you stood with us through the transition.
I watched, along with all of you, as the tens of thousands of our people stood patiently in long queues for many hours. Some sleeping on the open ground overnight waiting to cast this momentous vote.
This is one of the most important moments in the life of our country. I stand here before you filled with deep pride and joy: — pride in the ordinary, humble people of this country. You have shown such a calm, patient determination to reclaim this country as your own, - and joy that we can loudly proclaim from the rooftops — free at last!
Tomorrow, the entire ANC leadership and I will be back at our desks. We are rolling up our sleeves to begin tackling the problems our country faces. We ask you all to join us — go back to your jobs in the morning. Let's get South Africa working.
这里放不下，自己去找吧。

Ⅷ 第一位南非黑人总统名言

1、 如果天空总是黑暗的，那就摸黑生存;如果发出声音是危险的，那就保持沉默;如果自觉无力发光，那就蜷伏于墙角。 但不要习惯了黑暗就为黑暗辩护;也不要为自己的苟且而得意;不要嘲讽那些比自己更勇敢的人们。我们可以卑微如尘土，但不可扭曲如蛆虫。 ——曼德拉

2、 生命中最伟大的光辉不在于永不坠落，而是坠落后总能再度升起。我欣赏这种有弹性的生命状态，快乐的经历风雨，笑对人生。 ——曼德拉

3、 It always seems impossible until its done. 在事情未成功之前，一切总看似不可能。 ——曼德拉

4、 生命中最值得荣耀的，不是没有失败，而是在每次失败后都能勇敢地站起来。 ——曼德拉

5、 当我走出囚室、迈过通往自由的监狱大门时，我已经清楚，自己若不能把悲痛与怨恨留在身后，那么我其实仍在狱中。 ——曼德拉

6、 生命中最伟大的时刻不在于永不坠落，而在于坠落后总能再度升起。 ——曼德拉

7、 没有人生来就是勇敢的，勇敢并不是不害怕，而是要假装勇敢，并学会克服恐惧。 ——纳尔逊·曼德拉

8、 怨恨如同牢狱，原谅别人，等于升华自己。 ——曼德拉

9、 "For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others. 自由不仅仅意味着摆脱自身的枷锁，还意味着以一种尊重并增加他人自由的方式生活。 ——曼德拉"

10、 我们可以卑微如尘土，不可扭曲如蛆虫。 ——曼德拉

11、 "生命中最重要的事不仅仅是活着,而是我们给他人的命运带来了何种不同。这才是生命的意义。 ——纳尔逊·罗利赫拉赫拉·曼德拉"

12、 "If you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head. If you talk to him in his language, that goes to his heart. 如果你用一个人听得懂的语言与他交流，他会记在脑子里;如果你用他自己的语言与他交流，他会记在心里。 ——曼德拉"

13、 我希望我的墓碑上能写上这样的一句话：‘埋葬在这里的是已经尽了自己职责的人’除此之外，我别无他求。 ——曼德拉

14、 我们最大的恐惧不是我们没有能力，我们最大的恐惧是我们有无与伦比的力量。是我们的光芒而不是我们的黑暗使我们震惊。 ——曼德拉

15、 即使是在监狱那些最冷酷无情的日子，我也会从狱警身上看到若隐若现的人性，可能仅仅是一秒钟，但它却足以使我恢复信心并坚持下去。 ——曼德拉

16、 压迫者和被压迫者一样需要获得解放。夺走别人自由的人是仇恨的囚徒，他被偏见和短视的铁栅囚禁着。 ——曼德拉

17、 你若光明，这世界就不会黑暗。你若心怀希望，这世界就不会彻底绝望。你如不屈服，这世界又能把你怎样。 ——曼德拉

18、 我想用乐观的色彩来画下那个岛，这也是我想与全世界人民分享的。我想告诉大家，只要我们能接受生命中的挑战，连最奇异的梦想都可实现! ——曼德拉

19、 "攀上一座高山后，你才会发现，原来还有更多的山头等着你 原文:After climbing a great hill, one only finds that there are many more hills to climb ——纳尔逊·曼德拉"

20、 告别仇恨的最佳方式是宽恕。 ——曼德拉 《曼德拉自传》

21、 There can be no keener revelation of a society's soul than the way in which it treats its children. 知晓一个社会的灵魂，就看这个社会对待小孩的方式，除此以外，没有更好的办法。 ——曼德拉

Ⅸ 曼德拉的关于自由的名言有哪些

1、自由是看不见摸不着的，我的人民任何一个人身上戴着枷锁就等于所有人身上都戴着枷锁，而我的人民身上都戴着枷锁也就等于我的身上也戴着枷锁。

2、自由不仅仅意味着摆脱自身的枷锁，还意味着以一种尊重并增加他人自由的方式生活。

3、当我走出囚室迈向通往自由的监狱大门时，我知道，倘若自己无法抛下痛苦与怨恨，那么我其实仍在狱中。”

4、让自由来主宰一切吧。对于如此辉煌的人类成就，太阳永远不会停止照耀。

Ⅹ 曼德拉的经典名言

nvictus
不可征服
By William Henley
威廉•亨利
Out of the night that covers me, 透过覆盖着我的夜幕
Black as the Pit from pole to pole, 黑暗层层无底
I thank whatever gods may be, 感谢万能的上苍
For my unconquerable soul, 赐给我不可征服的灵魂
In the fell clutch of circumstance 就算被地狱牢牢抓住
I have not winced or cried aloud. 我不会畏缩 也不会哭叫
Under the bludgeonings of chance 任凭命运百般作弄
My head is bloody, but unbowed 我头破血流但不低头
Beyond this place of wrath and tears 在这充满愤怒和眼泪的土地之上
Looms but the Horror of the shade, 恐怖阴影阴森的逼近
And yet the menace of the years 不过,即使岁月不停恐吓
Finds, and shall find, me unafraid 亦将发现我毫不畏惧
It matters not how strait the gate, 无论大门何等狭窄
How charged with punishments is the scroll, 无论承受多么深重的责罚
I am the master of my fate, 我是我命运的主宰
I am the captain of my soul. 我是我灵魂的统帅