丘吉爾的演講稿

A. 邱吉爾關於NEVER GIVE UP （永不放棄）的英文演講稿哪裡有最好有中文翻譯

英國二戰時的首相邱吉爾生命中的最後一次演講是在一所大學的畢業典禮上專，這也屬許是世界演講史上最簡單的一次演講。在本來預計整個20分鍾的演講過程中，他只講了一句話，而且這句話的內容是重復的，那就是:「Never give up ...

never give up ...

never .. never give up...

B. 丘吉爾在德國入侵蘇聯後發表的演說有何影響（多方面全形度的影響）

丘吉爾發表如斯言辭劇烈的演說，並非一時心血來潮，而是當時國際形勢、英國的好處和丘吉爾的反共情結使然。蘇聯在德國的打擊下，節節敗退，形勢非常危急。一旦蘇聯戰敗投降，整個歐洲就只剩下英國與德國抗衡了，結果也是一樣的：失敗。所以在這個時候，一向有著反共情節的丘吉爾也積極主張支援蘇聯，用蘇聯幫英國人牽制德國的主力。第二次世界大戰停滯前後，新的世界格局已見分曉，大英帝國風光不再，淪為二流強國；美國取代英國，轉而成為世界第一強國，力主在全世界發號施令；蘇聯作為社會主義國度不僅成為歐洲最強盛的國度，而且在世界范圍內也只有它有實力向美國鳴板。 絕管美、英、蘇在二戰中曾經是一致對敵的盟友，但跟著戰役的停滯，因為彼此間好處的沖突，它們之間的摩擦不斷升溫。在東歐、中東、希臘、土耳其等地，美國、英國和蘇聯更是爭斗得異常劇烈。美國在戰後世界新格局中的一舉一動老是受到另一強國蘇聯的制約，以蘇聯為首的社會主義陣營也在形成之中。因而，美國政府正在制訂著如何對付蘇聯的決議打算。此時英國惟有的希望是爭奪美國輿論，追求美國支持，重建歐洲均勢。 從第一次講話到第二次講話並不意味著丘吉爾的基本立場發生了變化。因為反共是丘吉爾的一貫立場。其實從某種角度來望，丘吉爾是一個偉大的愛國者。一切以國度的好處為重。二戰期間，為了國度的好處積極聯共，二戰後，時局改變了，他又出於國度的好處，積極反共。

C. 邱吉爾在二戰期間對德宣戰演講稿

Iron Curtain Speech

by Winston Churchill, 1946

本文名句： "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent."

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my ecation in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been ecated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, ties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of ty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and ty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step--namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars--though not, alas, in the interval between them--I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by indivial citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our ty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method--the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which proced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"--to quote some good words I read here the other day--why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my ty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my ty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate act

D. 求丘吉爾《我們將戰斗到底》的中英翻譯演講稿

中文：「我們將戰斗到底。我們將在法國作戰，我們將在海洋中作戰，我們將以越來越大的信心和越來越強的力量在空中作戰，我們將不惜一切代價保衛本土，我們將在海灘作戰，我們將在敵人的登陸點作戰，我們將在田野和街頭作戰，我們將在山區作戰。我們絕不投降，即使我們這個島嶼或這個島嶼的大部分被征服並陷於飢餓之中——我從來不相信會發生這種情況——我們在海外的帝國臣民，在英國艦隊的武裝和保護下也會繼續戰斗，直到新世界在上帝認為適當的時候，拿出它所有一切的力量來拯救和解放這個舊世界。」
英文：
We shall fight in France,
we shall fight on the seas and oceans,
we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air,
we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be,
we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds,
we shall fight in the fields and in the streets,
we shall fight in the hills;
we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the new world, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.

E. 語言的力量：丘吉爾的二戰演講

這次戰役盡管我們失利，但我們決不投降，決不屈服，我們將戰斗到底。

我們必須非常慎重，不要把這次援救說成是勝利。戰爭不是靠撤退贏得的。但是，在這次援救中卻蘊藏著勝利，這一點應當注意到。這個勝利是空軍獲得的。歸來的許許多多士兵未曾見到過我們空軍的行動，他們看到的只是逃脫我們空軍掩護性攻擊的敵人轟炸機。他們低估了我們空軍的成就。關於這件事，其理由就在這里。我一定要把這件事告訴你們。
這是英國和德國空軍實力的一次重大考驗。德國空軍的目的是要是我們從海灘撤退成為不可能，並且要擊沉所有密集在那裡數以千計的船隻。除此之外，你們能想像出他們還有更大的目的嗎?除此而外，從整個戰爭的目的來說，還有什麼更大的軍事重要性和軍事意義呢?他們曾全力以赴，但他們終於被擊退了;他們在執行他們的任務中遭到挫敗。我們把陸軍撤退了，他們付出的代價，四倍於他們給我們造成的損失......已經證明，我們所有的各種類型的飛機和我們所有的飛行人員比他們現在面臨的敵人都要都好。
當我們說在英倫三島上空抵禦來自海外的襲擊將對我們更有好處時，我應當指出，我從這些事實里找到了一個可靠的論據，我們實際可行而有萬無一失的辦法就是根據這個論據想出來的。我對這些青年飛行員表示敬意。強大的法國陸軍當時在幾千輛裝甲車的沖擊下大部分潰退了。難道不可以說，文明事業本身將有數千飛行員的本領和忠誠來保護嗎?
有人對我說，希特勒先生有一個入侵英倫三島的計劃，過去也時常有人這么盤算過。當拿破崙帶著他的平底船和他的大軍在羅涅駐扎一年之後，有人對他說：「英國那邊有厲害的雜草。」自從英國遠征軍歸來後，這種雜草當然就更多了。
我們目前在英國本土擁有的兵力比我們在這次大戰中或上次大戰中任何時候的兵力不知道要強大多少倍，這一事實當然對抵抗入侵本土防禦問題其有利作用。但不能這樣繼續下去。我們不能滿足於打防禦戰，我們對我們的盟國負有義務，我們必須再重新組織在英勇的總司令戈特勛爵指揮下發動英國遠征軍。這一切都在進行中，但是在這段期間，我們必須使我們本土上的防禦達到這樣一種高度的組織水平，即只需要極少數的人便可以有效地保障安全，同時又可發揮攻勢活動最大的潛力。我們現在正進行著方面的部署。
這次戰役盡管我們失利，但我們決不投降，決不屈服，我們將戰斗到底，我
們將在法國戰斗，我們將在海洋上戰斗，我們將充滿信心在空中戰斗!我們將不惜任何代價保衛本土，我們將在海灘上戰斗!在敵人登陸地點作戰!在田野和街頭作戰!在山區作戰!我們任何時候都不會投降。即使我們這個島嶼或這個島嶼的大部分被敵人佔領，並陷於飢餓之中，我們有英國艦隊武裝和保護的海外帝國也將繼續戰斗。
這次戰役我軍死傷戰士達三萬人，損失大炮近千門，海峽兩岸的港口也都落入希特勒手中，德國將向我國或法國發動新的攻勢，已成為既定的事實。法蘭西和比利時境內的戰爭，已成為千古憾事。法軍的勢力被削弱，比利時的軍隊被殲滅，相比較而言，我軍的實力較為強大。現在已經是檢驗英德空軍實力的時候到了!撤退回國的士兵都認為，我們的空軍未能發揮應有的作用，但是，要知道我們已經出動了所有的飛機，用盡了所有的飛行員，以寡敵眾，絕非這一次!在今後的時間內，我們可能還會遭受更嚴重的損失，曾經讓我們深信不疑的防線，大部分被突破，很多有價值的工礦都已經被敵人佔領。從今後，我們要做好充分准備，准備承受更嚴重的困難。對於防禦性戰爭，決不能認為已經定局!我們必須重建遠征軍，我們必須重建遠征軍，我們必須加強國防，必須減少國內的防衛兵力，增加海外的打擊力量。在這次大戰中，法蘭西和不列顛將聯合一起，決不屈服，決不投降!
We Shall Fight to the End
The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God』s good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the Old.

F. 丘吉爾獲諾貝爾文學獎發言稿

答謝詞：
諾貝爾文學獎在我心目中是意外的殊榮，很遺憾我職責在身，不能親自來版斯德哥權爾摩，從你們敬愛的國王陛下手中領獎。你們容許我將此任務託付給吾妻，我感激不盡。我有幸列名的案卷代表20世紀世界文學的種種傑出成就。瑞典學會的判斷是整個文明世界公認為無私、可信又誠懇的。諸位決定將我收錄在內，我引以為榮，也承認有點害怕。但願你們沒有錯。我覺得你我雙方都冒著相當的危險，我覺得自己不配得獎。不過諸位若不擔心，我也不再存疑。
請採納

G. 求一篇丘吉爾的演講稿英文

Winston Churchill
「At four o』clock this morning, Hitler attacked and invaded Russia. All his usual formalities of perfidy were observed with scrupulous technique. A non-aggression treaty had been solemnly signed and was in force between the two countries. No complaint had been made by Germany of its non-fulfillment. Under its cloak of false confidence, the German armies drew up in immense strength along a line which stretched from the White Sea to the Black Sea. And their air fleets and armoured divisions, slowly and methodically. took up their stations. Then suddenly, without declaration of war, without even an ultimatum, the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities. The German troops violated the Russian frontiers. And an hour later, the German ambassador, who 』til the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship-almost of alliance-upon the Russians, called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed between Germany and Russia. Thus was repeated, on a far larger scale, the same kind of outrage against every form of signed compact and international faith which we had witnessed in Norway, in Denmark, in Holland, in Belgium. And which Hitler』s accomplice and jackal Mussolini, so faithfully imitated in the case of Greece. All this was no surprise to me. In fact, I gave clear and precise warnings to Stalin of Stalin of what was coming. I gave him warnings, as I have given warnings to others before. I can only hope that these warnings did not fall unheeded. All we know at present is that the Russian people are defending their native soil, and that their leaders have called upon them to resist to the utmost. 」
…………….
The Russian danger is therefore our danger and the danger of the United States. Just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free people in every quarter of the globe.
Let us learn the lessons already taught by such cruel experience. Let us re-double our exertion and strike with united strength while life and power remain.」

注釋：
formalities：形式，手段，伎倆
perfidy：背信棄義，背叛
scrupulous：嚴格認真的
in force 有效，在有效期中。
cloak：斗篷；偽裝
methodically：有條理地
ultimatum：最後通牒
violated：侵犯
ambassador：大使
lavish：慷慨地給予
alliance：聯盟，同盟
accomplice：同謀，幫凶
jackal：走狗，爪牙
unheeded：被忽視的
utmost：最遠的，極度的，最大的
hearth and home 家園
exertion：盡力，努力

中文對照：
今天凌晨4時，希特勒已進攻並侵入俄國。他所有形式的狡詐與不忠都被極其審慎地記錄下來。德俄曾簽署了互不侵犯條約，並互相遵守著。德國在不履行條約之前也沒有過任何抱怨。在虛偽的諾言掩護下，德國糾集大量兵力，布置在從波羅地海到黑海的戰線上。他們的大機群、裝甲師也緩慢而又有序地進入陣地。然後，突然間，沒有宣戰，甚至沒有最後通牒，德國的炸彈突然在俄國城市的上空雨點般地落下，德國軍隊已侵犯到俄國邊境。一小時後，德國大使拜見俄國外交部長，稱兩國已處於戰爭狀態。而正是這位大使，昨夜還在大放厥詞地向俄國人保證友誼和結盟。在很大程度上，這種不顧協約和國際信譽的暴行，是德軍在挪威、丹麥、荷蘭、比利時等國的暴行，以及希特勒的同黨及走狗墨索里尼在希臘對其行為忠實模仿的重演。對於這一切，我都沒有什麼詫異。事實上，我曾清楚明確地警告過斯大林將要發生的事情。我提醒他，就像我提醒別的國家一樣。我只能期望這些警告沒有完全落空。現在我們所知道的是俄國人民正在為保衛祖國而戰，他們的領袖正在號召他們全力抵抗外來侵略。
……
因此，俄國的危險就是我們的危險，就是美國的危險；為保衛家園而戰的俄國人民的事業，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事業。
讓我們從如此殘酷的經歷中吸取教訓吧！趁生命和力量尚存之際，讓我們加倍努力，團結奮戰吧！

H. 丘吉爾1934-1946年以來的所有演講稿，就是二戰時期丘吉爾的所有演講稿

網上有幾篇，但不是全部，建議你去問他兒子，我猜放在他書房裡等著你這樣博學的人去一一閱讀吧...
神啊...
你太偉大了..

I. 關於路的演講稿

人生與理想演講稿——戰勝挫折 放飛理想
當看到演講主題之後我一直在想，何為起點？何為終點？生命有起點，人生中處處是起點。生命有終點，可人生有嗎？如果有，那古人的思想對我們所起的深刻影響不正代表著一種生命力嗎？我繼而又想到了一個問題：何為人生？一本書上說，人生就是出生的喜悅不屬於你，死去的悲傷也不屬於你，只有活著的那一份艱辛屬於你。一本書上又說，沒有追求，沒有作為的人生不能稱之為人生。我們以相同的方式來到世上，經歷了不同的人生經歷之後相聚於北林，我們，一定想要活出自己的人生，在相同的起跑線上，大家一定都編織著自己的夢想。可是大家有誰知道夢想的彼岸在何方？終點，和未來一樣不可預知。這中間我們會怎樣總是充滿神秘。可請大家記住一句真理吧：青春，是一筆財富，我們擁有青春，這便是追求理想最寶貴的財富，沒有夢想，沒有追尋的青春怎麼叫青春？沒有彷徨，沒有執著追求的青春怎麼稱為青春？有信念，好樣的！有追求，好樣的！但是大家是否充分預見過這過程中的困難挫折呢？起點時固然有雄心壯志，終點處固然金光燦爛，但是當生活一步步將理想的鋒芒磨平，那雄心壯志不照樣會煙消雲散嗎？不要以為我們是在上大學。不是。高爾基說過：「苦難才是真正的大學。」也有一位偉人說過：「苦難是人生的必經之路。」所以當你擁有了雄心壯志的時候，同時你也要張開雙臂迎接苦難。《丘吉爾傳》讀過嗎？這位百年才能誕生一位的演講天才經過的是怎樣的人生經歷！大家或許只記得他那十分慘烈的成績單，卻不知道他那孤獨的，甚至幾次幾乎夭折的童年。大家或許只記得他當海軍大臣的榮耀，卻不知道他從一名普通的騎兵到屢立奇功的戰地記者經歷種種九死一生的傳奇經歷。大家或許只記得他那壓倒眾人，極富煽動性的演講，卻不知道在成長過程中他每每被人嘲笑，譏諷，侮辱的時刻。甚至他那醜陋的長相，矮小的個子總被對手掛在嘴上。大家或許也還只記得他出生在一個貴族之家，應該享盡榮華，卻不知道丘吉爾家族從馬爾巴羅公爵到倫道夫勛爵之時，溫斯頓·丘吉爾青年時所面臨的窘境，等等等等。正因為丘吉爾經歷的起起伏伏的政壇，坎坎坷坷的人生才成就了他那句不朽的名言：「我能奉獻的只有血和淚。」這句話確實充滿了血和淚啊。它是由多少苦難積淀而成。也許有人會說：我不想成為丘吉爾那樣的偉大人物，那也請記住吧：夢想的高度與苦難的程度是成正比的。所以在起點處就請准備迎接苦難吧。其實追求夢想就想長跑，苦難則是人的生理極限，遇到它只要咬咬呀堅持……

J. 丘吉爾在1946年3月5日發表著名的「鐵幕」演說，誰有演講稿

http://www.soundboard.com/sb/winston.aspx