肯尼迪名言

㈠ 美國總統肯尼迪有一句名言「不要問美國為你做了什麼、而要問你為美國做了什麼」，談談對這句話的理解

這句話不能按字面上解釋，因為字面上根本解釋不通，美國人會說我們納稅就是在版為國家付出了，那麼權政府拿著納稅人的錢，這個時候就應該做你該做的事了。這句話要聯繫上下文，這是美國總統就職典禮上的一句話，全文意思說的是為了自由我們該做些什麼。

㈡ 有關肯尼迪名言中文版

「不要問你的國家為你做了什麼，而要問一問你為你的國家做了什麼。」

美國同胞們，不要問專國家能為你們做些什屬么，而要問你們能為國家做些什麼。全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什麼，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什麼。 ——約翰 肯尼迪

㈢ 有關英語的名人名言

1，Genius only means hard-working all one's life. 天才只意味著終身不懈地努力。—— 門捷列耶夫

2，Happiness is a way station between too much and too little.幸福是太多和太少之間的一站—— 佚名

3，To the world you may be one person, but to one person you may be the world.對於世界而言，你是一個人；但是對於某個人，你是他的整個世界—— 佚名

4，It's just a feeling只是一種感覺——佚名

5，Never underestimate your power to change yourself!,永遠不要低估你改變自我的能力—— 佚名

6，The secret of success is constancy to purpose.成功的秘密在於始終如一地忠於目標—— 佚名

7，We were( are!) in love我們是被愛中——貝爾·格里爾斯

8，Enrich your life today,. yesterday is history.tomorrow is mystery.昨日已成過去，明天充滿神奇—— 佚名

9，The only limit to our realization of tomorrow will be our doubts of today.實現明天理想的唯一障礙是今天的疑慮—— 佚名

10，One thorn of experience is worth a whole wilderness of warning.一次痛苦的經驗抵得上千百次的告誡—— 佚名

11，Between two stools one falls to the ground.腳踏兩頭要落空—— 佚名

12，Brian) Above all, he and Vinnie, his wife, gave me Shara.—— 貝爾·格里爾斯

13，A man can succeed at almost anything for which he has unlimited enthusiasm.無論何事，只要對它有無限的熱情你就能取得成功—— 佚名

14，Tonight i'm gonna hold you so close今夜我會做個良辰美夢—佚名

15，All time is no time when it is past.機不可失，時不再來—— 佚名

㈣ 橄欖枝的名人名言

"一手抓箭、一手抓橄欖枝"－－肯尼迪
1961年1月，民主黨人約翰·肯尼迪在1960年大選中獲勝，登上了白宮寶座。肯尼迪上台之後就明確提出了「一手抓箭，一手抓橄欖枝」的「和平戰略」。還提出對非洲的「新非洲政策」，對拉丁美洲的「爭取進步聯盟」，對西歐的「宏偉計劃」，等等。
所謂「和平戰略」，實質上是在實力地位基礎上靈活運用文武兩手稱霸世界的全球戰略，其矛頭首先對准了社會主義國家。肯尼迪及其謀士們總結了過去對社會主義國家搞「遏制」「圍堵」無助於「和平演變」的教訓之後，強調在和平共處、和平競賽的口號下，通過援助、貿易、旅行、科技與文化交流，設法削弱東歐等社會主義國家「對俄國的經濟和意識形態的依附狀態，從出現在鐵幕上的任何裂縫中培養自由的種子」，「把共產黨世界帶進我們所尋求的多樣化的自由世界中來」。這一「和平戰略」也是針對第三世界國家的。主張以「糧食用於和平」計劃、「攀親戚」運動，派遣「和平隊」等等，爭取新興的民族獨立國家，把它們納入美國戰略軌道。為了以強大的軍事力量推進美國的全球擴張，肯尼迪提出了「靈活反應戰略」，即既准備打有限核戰爭和核大戰，也准備打常規戰爭與特種戰爭。
"我是帶著橄欖枝和自由戰士的槍來到這里的，請不要讓橄欖枝從我的手中掉下。"－－阿拉法特
1974年11月13日，阿拉法特在聯合國大會首次發表的講演中曾說過：「我是帶著橄欖枝和自由戰士的槍來到這里的，請不要讓橄欖枝從我的手中掉下。」然而，他舉起的橄欖枝並沒有被他的敵人，甚至是他的阿拉伯朋友所接受。
1988年，阿拉法特再一次伸出了橄欖枝。承認包括以色列在內的所有國家在中東地區的生存權利。直到1990年，阿拉法特頂住內外壓力，宣布接受聯合國決議，巴以從此步入了「土地換和平」、政治解決巴以問題的軌道。橄欖枝才第一次勝過了槍。

㈤ 肯尼迪的名言：最大的危險是無所行動。這句話的英文原話是什麼

古巴導彈危機回答My fellow citizens: l..........................................................................................aware of our dangers. But [ the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing ].

㈥ 使命召喚7有句名言,好像是肯尼迪說的.

肯尼迪因為沉溺於現在所以失去了未來，呵呵～

㈦ 肯尼迪的話：不要問國家為你做了什麼的原文在那裡

原文出自1961年1月20日 美國第35任總統約翰·F·肯尼迪的就職演說。肯尼迪總統就職演說原文如下：

John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

(7)肯尼迪名言擴展閱讀

約翰·肯尼迪在第二次世界大戰期間，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海軍船員，因而獲頒紫心勛章。在他總統任期內的主要事件包括：豬灣事件、古巴導彈危機、柏林牆的建立、太空競賽、越南戰爭的早期活動以及美國民權運動。

在針對美國總統功績的排名中，肯尼迪通常被歷史學家列在排名的中部偏上的位置，但他卻一直被大多數美國民眾視為歷史上最偉大的總統之一。

肯尼迪於1963年11月22日遇刺身亡，官方在隨後的調查報告中公布的結果表明，李·哈維·奧斯瓦爾德是殺害總統的兇手。

㈧ 肯尼迪的世界名言

「不要問你的國家為你做了什麼，而要問一問你為你的國家做了什專么。」屬
「Ask not what the country can do for you，ask what you can do for the country」

㈨ 『我記得肯尼迪總統有句名言'用英語怎麼說

I remember a famous saying by President Kennedy.