曼德拉名言

Ⅰ 求曼德拉的名言:"如果天空是黑暗的，那就摸黑生存；如果發出聲音是危險的，那就保持沉默；如果自覺無力

這段話原本屬於鳳凰衛視《冷暖人生》主編季業，寫於2012年6月4日。可能有些人為了使得其傳播更廣，加在了曼德拉身上。在微博上，很多人糾正過出處。

Ⅱ 求曼德拉名言的原文

1.在事情未完成之前，一切都看似不可能。
2.最大的榮耀不是永不跌倒，而是跌到後總能專站起來。屬
3.教育是可以用來改變世界的最強有力的武器。
4.一個受過教育的人不會遭受壓迫，因為他具有獨自思考的能力。
5.如果你想跟你的敵人和解，就要和他共同工作。
6.民主要求尊重少數人的政治權利。
7.評判一個國家不應看它如何對待地位最高的民眾，而是看它如何對待窮人或一無所有的人。
8.沒有人生來就因為皮膚顏色、出生地或宗教信仰去恨另一個人。恨需要學習，既然人們能夠學會恨，那麼同樣可以教會他們愛。愛比恨更容易走進人類的內心。
9.我沒有別的特別信念，除了我們的事業是正義的，這一點非常強大，而且贏得了越來越多的支持。
10.我履行了我對我的人民和南非的責任。我毫不懷疑後代將恢復我的名譽，同樣我要說，應當站在這個法庭上的罪犯是政府的成員。

Ⅲ 曼德拉名言:絕地反彈的能力前一句是什麼

1，決不願以酋長身份統治一個受壓迫的部族，而要以一個戰士的名義投身於民族解放事業。
2，當我走出囚室邁向通往自由的監獄大門時，我已經清楚，自己若不能把痛苦與怨恨留在身後，那麼其實我仍在獄中。
3，讓黑人和白人成為兄弟，南非才能繁榮發展
4，在那漫長而孤獨的歲月中，我對自己的人民獲得自由的渴望變成了一種對所有人，包括白人和黑人，都獲得自由的渴望。——曼德拉對戰爭與和平擁有獨特的認識。
5，壓迫者和被壓迫者一樣需要獲得解放。奪走別人自由的人是仇恨的囚徒，他被偏見和短視的鐵柵囚禁著。
6，「我已經把我的一生奉獻給了非洲人民的斗爭，我為反對白人種族統治進行斗爭，我也為反對黑人專制而斗爭。我懷有一個建立民主和自由社會的美好理想，在這樣的社會里，所有人都和睦相處，有著平等的機會。我希望為這一理想而活著，並去實現它。但如果需要的話，我也准備為它獻出生命。」——1964年被判終身監禁時，曼德拉將審訊法庭變成了揭露種族隔離制度罪惡和喚醒廣大民眾的講壇。他那長達4個小時的聲明是這樣結束的。
7，在這次伊拉克戰爭中，我們看見了美國和布希的一舉一動，到底誰是世界的威脅？——曼德拉譴責美國總統布希肆意踐踏伊拉克主權。
8，「你(柯林頓)如果不高興就跳進游泳池去吧！」——曼德拉最不喜歡別人對南非指手畫腳，1998年3月柯林頓訪問南非，在聯合記者招待會上，曼德拉公開表示南非將與古巴、伊朗、利比亞保持密切關系，並宣布不久將出訪伊朗，令與其並肩站在一起的柯林頓大為尷尬。
9，「我已經演完了我的角色，現在只求默默無聞地生活。我想回到故鄉的村寨，在童年時嬉戲玩耍的山坡上漫步。」——退休後的曼德拉甘願做一個平民。
10，「我想用樂觀的色彩來畫下那個島，這也是我想與全世界人民分享的。我想告訴大家，只要我們能接受生命中的挑戰，連最奇異的夢想都可實現！」曼德拉84歲時曾在南非舉辦了個人畫展，作品主題是監獄生活。在27年的鐵窗生活中，曼德拉用木炭和蠟筆繪畫來打發時間，漸漸形成了獨特畫風：線條簡單、色彩豐富。他最喜歡用畫筆講述自己的鐵窗故事，但並不選用「黑暗、陰沉」的顏色，而是明亮輕快的色彩，以此來表現自己樂觀積極的心態。
11，「別擔心，放輕松，要快樂！」——85歲的曼德拉依然精神矍鑠，性格開朗。在這位嘗過近30年牢獄之苦的老人心中，自由就是幸福。·「從今往後，我的生活添加了兩個重要內容，第一個是格拉薩，第二個是到莫三比克吃大蝦。」——曼德拉與莫三比克前總統遺孀相伴晚年

Ⅳ 曼德拉的名言有哪些

若想與敵和平共處抄，就要與襲敵並肩作戰。敵亦將為友。
If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.
生命中最偉大的光輝不在於永不墜落,而是墜落後總能再度升起。
The greatest brilliance in life lies not in never falling, but fall can always rises again.
當我走出囚室邁向通往自由的大門時，我已經清楚，自己若不能把痛苦與怨恨留在身後，那麼其實我人在獄中。
When I walked out of the prison cell towards the door leading to freedom, I have made it clear his own pain and resentment if not able to stay behind, so in fact I still in prison.

Ⅳ 求曼德拉的名言，要3句中英文

若想與敵和平共處，就要與敵並肩作戰。敵亦將為友。
If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.
生命中最偉大內的光輝不在於永不墜容落,而是墜落後總能再度升起。
The greatest brilliance in life lies not in never falling, but fall can always rises again.
當我走出囚室邁向通往自由的大門時，我已經清楚，自己若不能把痛苦與怨恨留在身後，那麼其實我人在獄中。
When I walked out of the prison cell towards the door leading to freedom, I have made it clear his own pain and resentment if not able to stay behind, so in fact I still in prison.

Ⅵ 曼德拉的名言:「我不助紂為虐,我可倦在牆角……

曼德拉的關於自由的名言有：

1.自由是看不見摸不著的，我的人民任何一個人身上戴著枷鎖就等專於所有屬人身上都戴著枷鎖，而我的人民身上都戴著枷鎖也就等於我的身上也戴著枷鎖。

2.自由不僅僅意味著擺脫自身的枷鎖，還意味著以一種尊重並增加他人自由的方式生活。

3.當我走出囚室邁向通往自由的監獄大門時，我知道，倘若自己無法拋下痛苦與怨恨，那麼我其實仍在獄中。」

4.讓自由來主宰一切吧。對於如此輝煌的人類成就，太陽永遠不會停止照耀。

Ⅶ 曼德拉的英文名言

http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/authors/n/nelson_mandela.html
共兩頁。
另見英文維基語錄
There are many people who feel that it is useless and futile for us to continue talking peace and non-violence — against a government whose only reply is savage attacks on an unarmed and defenceless people. And I think the time has come for us to consider, in the light of our experiences at this day at home, whether the methods which we have applied so far are adequate.
Interview (1961)
Only free men can negotiate; prisoners cannot enter into contracts. Your freedom and mine cannot be separated.
Refusing to bargain for freedom after 21 years in prison, as quoted in TIME (25 February 1985)
I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands.
Speech on the day of his release, Cape Town (11 February 1990)
I remember we adjourned for lunch and a friendly Afrikaner warder asked me the question, "Mandela, what do you think is going to happen to you in this case?" I said to him, "Agh, they are going to hang us." Now, I was really expecting some word of encouragement from him. And I thought he was going to say, "Agh man, that can never happen." But he became serious and then he said, "I think you are right, they are going to hang you."
Interview segment on All Things Considered (NPR) broadcast (27 April 2004)
Let's hope that Ken Osterbroek will be the last person to die.
Spoken shortly after Inkatha announced that they would participate in the 1994 elections. (The Bang-Bang Club p. 168)
The UN took a strong stand against apartheid; and over the years, an international consensus was built, which helped to bring an end to this iniquitous system. But we know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.
Address at The International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People[1]
[edit] First court statement (1962)
Statement on charges of inciting persons to strike illegally, and of leaving the country without a valid passport.
In its proper meaning equality before the law means the right to participate in the making of the laws by which one is governed, a constitution which guarantees democratic rights to all sections of the population, the right to approach the court for protection or relief in the case of the violation of rights guaranteed in the constitution, and the right to take part in the administration of justice as judges, magistrates, attorneys-general, law advisers and similar positions.
In the absence of these safeguards the phrase 'equality before the law', in so far as it is intended to apply to us, is meaningless and misleading. All the rights and privileges to which I have referred are monopolised by whites, and we enjoy none of them. The white man makes all the laws, he drags us before his courts and accuses us, and he sits in judgement over us.
It is fit and proper to raise the question sharply, what is this rigid colour-bar in the administration of justice? Why is it that in this courtroom I face a white magistrate, am confronted by a white prosecutor, and escorted into the dock by a white orderly? Can anyone honestly and seriously suggest that in this type of atmosphere the scales of justice are evenly balanced?
Why is it that no African in the history of this country has ever had the honour of being tried by his own kith and kin, by his own flesh and blood?
I will tell Your Worship why: the real purpose of this rigid colour-bar is to ensure that the justice dispensed by the courts should conform to the policy of the country, however much that policy might be in conflict with the norms of justice accepted in judiciaries throughout the civilised world.
I hate race discrimination most intensely and in all its manifestations. I have fought it all ring my life; I fight it now, and will do so until the end of my days. Even although I now happen to be tried by one whose opinion I hold in high esteem, I detest most violently the set-up that surrounds me here. It makes me feel that I am a black man in a white man's court. This should not be.

[edit] I am Prepared to Die (1964)
Statement in the Rivonia Trial, Pretoria Supreme Court (20 April 1964)
I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites.
I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would proce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not proced even by war. Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.
But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non-violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. If the Court is in doubt about this, it will be seen that the whole history of our organization bears out what I have said, and what I will subsequently say, when I describe the tactics which Umkhonto decided to adopt.
During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for. But, my lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
The ANC has never at any period of its history advocated a revolutionary change in the economic structure of the country, nor has it, to the best of my recollection, ever condemned capitalist society.
[edit] Our March to Freedom is Irreversible (1990)
Friends, Comrades and fellow South Africans. I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands.
The majority of South Africans, black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security. The mass campaign of defiance and other actions of our organization and people can only culminate in the establishment of democracy
There must be an end to white monopoly on political power, and a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic systems to ensure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed and our society thoroughly democratized.
Our march to freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way. Universal suffrage on a common voters' roll in a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony.
[edit] Nobel Prize acceptance speech (1993)
Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Address(10 December 1993)
We speak here of the challenge of the dichotomies of war and peace, violence and non-violence, racism and human dignity, oppression and repression and liberty and human rights, poverty and freedom from want.
We stand here today as nothing more than a representative of the millions of our people who dared to rise up against a social system whose very essence is war, violence, racism, oppression, repression and the impoverishment of an entire people.
I am also here today as a representative of the millions of people across the globe, the anti-apartheid movement, the governments and organisations that joined with us, not to fight against South Africa as a country or any of its peoples, but to oppose an inhuman system and sue for a speedy end to the apartheid crime against humanity.
These countless human beings, both inside and outside our country, had the nobility of spirit to stand in the path of tyranny and injustice, without seeking selfish gain. They recognised that an injury to one is an injury to all and therefore acted together in defense of justice and a common human decency.
Because of their courage and persistence for many years, we can, today, even set the dates when all humanity will join together to celebrate one of the outstanding human victories of our century.
When that moment comes, we shall, together, rejoice in a common victory over racism, apartheid and white minority rule.
That triumph will finally bring to a close a history of five hundred years of African colonisation that began with the establishment of the Portuguese empire.
Thus, it will mark a great step forward in history and also serve as a common pledge of the peoples of the world to fight racism, wherever it occurs and whatever guise it assumes.
In front of this distinguished audience, we commit the new South Africa to the relentless pursuit of the purposes defined in the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children.
The reward of which we have spoken will and must also be measured by the happiness and welfare of the mothers and fathers of these children, who must walk the earth without fear of being robbed, killed for political or material profit, or spat upon because they are beggars.
They too must be relieved of the heavy burden of despair which they carry in their hearts, born of hunger, homelessness and unemployment.
The value of that gift to all who have suffered will and must be measured by the happiness and welfare of all the people of our country, who will have torn down the inhuman walls that divide them.
These great masses will have turned their backs on the grave insult to human dignity which described some as masters and others as servants, and transformed each into a predator whose survival depended on the destruction of the other.
The value of our shared reward will and must be measured by the joyful peace which will triumph, because the common humanity that bonds both black and white into one human race, will have said to each one of us that we shall all live like the children of paradise.
Thus shall we live, because we will have created a society which recognises that all people are born equal, with each entitled in equal measure to life, liberty, prosperity, human rights and good governance.
Such a society should never allow again that there should be prisoners of conscience nor that any person's human right should be violated.
In relation to these matters, we appeal to those who govern Burma that they release our fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, and engage her and those she represents in serious dialogue, for the benefit of all the people of Burma.
We pray that those who have the power to do so will, without further delay, permit that she uses her talents and energies for the greater good of the people of her country and humanity as a whole.
Far from the rough and tumble of the politics of our own country. I would like to take this opportunity to join the Norwegian Nobel Committee and pay tribute to my joint laureate. Mr. F.W. de Klerk.
He had the courage to admit that a terrible wrong had been done to our country and people through the imposition of the system of apartheid.
He had the foresight to understand and accept that all the people of South Africa must through negotiations and as equal participants in the process, together determine what they want to make of their future.
We live with the hope that as she battles to remake herself, South Africa, will be like a microcosm of the new world that is striving to be born.
This must be a world of democracy and respect for human rights, a world freed from the horrors of poverty, hunger, deprivation and ignorance, relieved of the threat and the scourge of civil wars and external aggression and unburdened of the great tragedy of millions forced to become refugees.
We do not believe that this Nobel Peace Prize is intended as a commendation for matters that have happened and passed.
We hear the voices which say that it is an appeal from all those, throughout the universe, who sought an end to the system of apartheid.
We understand their call, that we devote what remains of our lives to the use of our country's unique and painful experience to demonstrate, in practice, that the normal condition for human existence is democracy, justice, peace, non-racism, non-sexism, prosperity for everybody, a healthy environment and equality and solidarity among the peoples.
Moved by that appeal and inspired by the eminence you have thrust upon us, we undertake that we too will do what we can to contribute to the renewal of our world so that none should, in future, be described as the "wretched of the earth".

[edit] Victory speech (1994)
Announcing the ANC election victory, Johannesburg (2 May 1994)
My fellow South Africans — the people of South Africa:
This is indeed a joyous night. Although not yet final, we have received the provisional results of the election, and are delighted by the overwhelming support for the African National Congress.
To all those in the African National Congress and the democratic movement who worked so hard these last few days and through these many decades, I thank you and honour you. To the people of South Africa and the world who are watching: this a joyous night for the human spirit. This is your victory too. You helped end apartheid, you stood with us through the transition.
I watched, along with all of you, as the tens of thousands of our people stood patiently in long queues for many hours. Some sleeping on the open ground overnight waiting to cast this momentous vote.
This is one of the most important moments in the life of our country. I stand here before you filled with deep pride and joy: — pride in the ordinary, humble people of this country. You have shown such a calm, patient determination to reclaim this country as your own, - and joy that we can loudly proclaim from the rooftops — free at last!
Tomorrow, the entire ANC leadership and I will be back at our desks. We are rolling up our sleeves to begin tackling the problems our country faces. We ask you all to join us — go back to your jobs in the morning. Let's get South Africa working.
這里放不下，自己去找吧。

Ⅷ 第一位南非黑人總統名言

1、 如果天空總是黑暗的，那就摸黑生存;如果發出聲音是危險的，那就保持沉默;如果自覺無力發光，那就蜷伏於牆角。 但不要習慣了黑暗就為黑暗辯護;也不要為自己的苟且而得意;不要嘲諷那些比自己更勇敢的人們。我們可以卑微如塵土，但不可扭曲如蛆蟲。 ——曼德拉

2、 生命中最偉大的光輝不在於永不墜落，而是墜落後總能再度升起。我欣賞這種有彈性的生命狀態，快樂的經歷風雨，笑對人生。 ——曼德拉

3、 It always seems impossible until its done. 在事情未成功之前，一切總看似不可能。 ——曼德拉

4、 生命中最值得榮耀的，不是沒有失敗，而是在每次失敗後都能勇敢地站起來。 ——曼德拉

5、 當我走出囚室、邁過通往自由的監獄大門時，我已經清楚，自己若不能把悲痛與怨恨留在身後，那麼我其實仍在獄中。 ——曼德拉

6、 生命中最偉大的時刻不在於永不墜落，而在於墜落後總能再度升起。 ——曼德拉

7、 沒有人生來就是勇敢的，勇敢並不是不害怕，而是要假裝勇敢，並學會克服恐懼。 ——納爾遜·曼德拉

8、 怨恨如同牢獄，原諒別人，等於升華自己。 ——曼德拉

9、 "For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others. 自由不僅僅意味著擺脫自身的枷鎖，還意味著以一種尊重並增加他人自由的方式生活。 ——曼德拉"

10、 我們可以卑微如塵土，不可扭曲如蛆蟲。 ——曼德拉

11、 "生命中最重要的事不僅僅是活著,而是我們給他人的命運帶來了何種不同。這才是生命的意義。 ——納爾遜·羅利赫拉赫拉·曼德拉"

12、 "If you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head. If you talk to him in his language, that goes to his heart. 如果你用一個人聽得懂的語言與他交流，他會記在腦子里;如果你用他自己的語言與他交流，他會記在心裡。 ——曼德拉"

13、 我希望我的墓碑上能寫上這樣的一句話：『埋葬在這里的是已經盡了自己職責的人』除此之外，我別無他求。 ——曼德拉

14、 我們最大的恐懼不是我們沒有能力，我們最大的恐懼是我們有無與倫比的力量。是我們的光芒而不是我們的黑暗使我們震驚。 ——曼德拉

15、 即使是在監獄那些最冷酷無情的日子，我也會從獄警身上看到若隱若現的人性，可能僅僅是一秒鍾，但它卻足以使我恢復信心並堅持下去。 ——曼德拉

16、 壓迫者和被壓迫者一樣需要獲得解放。奪走別人自由的人是仇恨的囚徒，他被偏見和短視的鐵柵囚禁著。 ——曼德拉

17、 你若光明，這世界就不會黑暗。你若心懷希望，這世界就不會徹底絕望。你如不屈服，這世界又能把你怎樣。 ——曼德拉

18、 我想用樂觀的色彩來畫下那個島，這也是我想與全世界人民分享的。我想告訴大家，只要我們能接受生命中的挑戰，連最奇異的夢想都可實現! ——曼德拉

19、 "攀上一座高山後，你才會發現，原來還有更多的山頭等著你 原文:After climbing a great hill, one only finds that there are many more hills to climb ——納爾遜·曼德拉"

20、 告別仇恨的最佳方式是寬恕。 ——曼德拉 《曼德拉自傳》

21、 There can be no keener revelation of a society's soul than the way in which it treats its children. 知曉一個社會的靈魂，就看這個社會對待小孩的方式，除此以外，沒有更好的辦法。 ——曼德拉

Ⅸ 曼德拉的關於自由的名言有哪些

1、自由是看不見摸不著的，我的人民任何一個人身上戴著枷鎖就等於所有人身上都戴著枷鎖，而我的人民身上都戴著枷鎖也就等於我的身上也戴著枷鎖。

2、自由不僅僅意味著擺脫自身的枷鎖，還意味著以一種尊重並增加他人自由的方式生活。

3、當我走出囚室邁向通往自由的監獄大門時，我知道，倘若自己無法拋下痛苦與怨恨，那麼我其實仍在獄中。」

4、讓自由來主宰一切吧。對於如此輝煌的人類成就，太陽永遠不會停止照耀。

Ⅹ 曼德拉的經典名言

nvictus
不可征服
By William Henley
威廉•亨利
Out of the night that covers me, 透過覆蓋著我的夜幕
Black as the Pit from pole to pole, 黑暗層層無底
I thank whatever gods may be, 感謝萬能的上蒼
For my unconquerable soul, 賜給我不可征服的靈魂
In the fell clutch of circumstance 就算被地獄牢牢抓住
I have not winced or cried aloud. 我不會畏縮 也不會哭叫
Under the bludgeonings of chance 任憑命運百般作弄
My head is bloody, but unbowed 我頭破血流但不低頭
Beyond this place of wrath and tears 在這充滿憤怒和眼淚的土地之上
Looms but the Horror of the shade, 恐怖陰影陰森的逼近
And yet the menace of the years 不過,即使歲月不停恐嚇
Finds, and shall find, me unafraid 亦將發現我毫不畏懼
It matters not how strait the gate, 無論大門何等狹窄
How charged with punishments is the scroll, 無論承受多麼深重的責罰
I am the master of my fate, 我是我命運的主宰
I am the captain of my soul. 我是我靈魂的統帥