肯尼迪演說名句

Ⅲ 肯尼迪的話：不要問國家為你做了什麼的原文在那裡

原文出自1961年1月20日 美國第35任總統約翰·F·肯尼迪的就職演說。肯尼迪總統就職演說原文如下：

John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

(3)肯尼迪演說名句擴展閱讀

約翰·肯尼迪在第二次世界大戰期間，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海軍船員，因而獲頒紫心勛章。在他總統任期內的主要事件包括：豬灣事件、古巴導彈危機、柏林牆的建立、太空競賽、越南戰爭的早期活動以及美國民權運動。

在針對美國總統功績的排名中，肯尼迪通常被歷史學家列在排名的中部偏上的位置，但他卻一直被大多數美國民眾視為歷史上最偉大的總統之一。

肯尼迪於1963年11月22日遇刺身亡，官方在隨後的調查報告中公布的結果表明，李·哈維·奧斯瓦爾德是殺害總統的兇手。

Ⅳ 肯尼迪的世界名言

「不要問你的國家為你做了什麼，而要問一問你為你的國家做了什專么。」屬
「Ask not what the country can do for you，ask what you can do for the country」

Ⅳ 求肯尼迪就職演說（中英對照）

美國第35任總統肯尼迪就職演說全文
1961年1月20日 星期五

我們今天慶祝的並不是一次政黨的勝利，而是一次自由的慶典；它象徵著結束，也象徵著開始；意味著更新，也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我們祖先將近一又四分之三世紀以前所擬定的相同的庄嚴誓言。
現今世界已經很不同了，因為人在自己血肉之軀的手中握有足以消滅一切形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命的力量。可是我們祖先奮斗不息所維護的革命信念，在世界各地仍處於爭論之中。那信念就是註定人權並非來自政府的慷慨施與，而是上帝所賜。
我們今天不敢忘記我們是那第一次革命的繼承人，讓我從此時此地告訴我們的朋友，並且也告訴我們的敵人，這支火炬已傳交新一代的美國人，他們出生在本世紀，經歷過戰爭的鍛煉，受過嚴酷而艱苦的和平的熏陶，以我們的古代傳統自豪，而且不願目睹或容許人權逐步被褫奪。對於這些人權我國一向堅貞不移，當前在國內和全世界我們也是對此力加維護的。
讓每一個國家知道，不管它盼我們好或盼我們壞，我們將付出任何代價，忍受任何重負，應付任何艱辛，支持任何朋友，反對任何敵人，以確保自由的存在與實現。
這是我們矢志不移的事--而且還不止此
對於那些和我們擁有共同文化和精神傳統的老盟邦，我們保證以摯友之誠相待。只要團結，則在許多合作事業中幾乎沒有什麼是辦不到的。倘若分裂，我們則無可作為，因為我們在意見分歧、各行其是的情況下，是不敢應付強大挑戰的。
對於那些我們歡迎其參與自由國家行列的新國家，我們要提出保證，絕不讓一種形成的殖民統治消失後，卻代之以另一種遠為殘酷的暴政。我們不能老是期望他們會支持我們的觀點，但我們卻一直希望他們能堅決維護他們自身的自由，並應記取，在過去，那些愚蠢得要騎在虎背上以壯聲勢的人，結果卻被虎所吞噬。
對於那些住在布滿半個地球的茅舍和鄉村中、力求打破普遍貧困的桎梏的人們，我們保證盡最大努力助其自救，不管需要多長時間。這並非因為共產黨會那樣做，也不是由於我們要求他們的選票，而是由於那樣做是正確的。自由社會若不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就不能保全那少數的富人。
對於我國邊界以內的各姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證：要把我們的美好諾言化作善行，在爭取進步的新聯盟中援助自由人和自由政府來擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但這種為實現本身願望而進行的和平革命不應成為不懷好意的國家的俎上肉。讓我們所有的鄰邦都知道，我們將與他們聯合抵禦對美洲任何地區的侵略或顛覆。讓其它國家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己會管。
至於聯合國這個各主權國家的世界性議會，在今天這個戰爭工具的發展速度超過和平工具的時代中，它是我們最後的、最美好的希望。我們願重申我們的支持諾言；不讓它變成僅供謾罵的講壇，加強其對於新國弱國的保護，並擴大其權力所能運用的領域。
最後，對於那些與我們為敵的國家，我們所要提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新著手尋求和平，不要等到科學所釋出的危險破壞力量在有意或無意中使全人類淪於自我毀滅。
我們不敢以示弱去誘惑他們。因為只有當我們的武力無可置疑地壯大時，我們才能毫無疑問地確信永遠不會使用武力。
可是這兩個強有力的國家集團，誰也不能對當前的趨勢放心--雙方都因現代武器的代價而感到不勝負擔，雙方都對於致命的原子力量不斷發展而產生應有的驚駭，可是雙方都在競謀改變那不穩定的恐怖均衡，而此種均衡卻可以暫時阻止人類最後從事戰爭。
因此讓我們重新開始，雙方都應記住，謙恭並非懦弱的徵象，而誠意則永遠須要驗證。讓我們永不因畏懼而談判。但讓我們永不要畏懼談判。
讓雙方探究能使我們團結在一起的是什麼問題，而不要虛耗心力於使我們分裂的問題。
讓雙方首次制訂有關視察和管制武器的真誠而確切的建議，並且把那足以毀滅其它國家的漫無限制的力量置於所有國家的絕對管制之下。
讓雙方都謀求激發科學的神奇力量而不是科學的恐怖因素。讓我們聯合起來去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，開發海洋深處，並鼓勵藝術和商務。
讓雙方攜手在世界各個角落遵循以賽亞的命令，去「卸下沉重的負擔……(並)讓被壓迫者得自由。」
如果建立合作的灘頭堡能夠遏制重重猜疑，那麼，讓雙方聯合作一次新的努力吧，這不是追求新的權力均衡，而是建立一個新的法治世界，在那世界上強者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。
凡此種種不會在最初的一百天中完成，不會在最初的一千天中完成，不會在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我們活在地球上的畢生期間完成。但讓我們開始。
同胞們，我們事業的最後成效，主要不是掌握在我手裡，而是操在你們手中。自從我國建立以來，每一代的美國人都曾應召以驗證其對國家的忠誠。響應此項召喚而服軍役的美國青年人的墳墓遍布全球各處。
現在那號角又再度召喚我們--不是號召我們肩起武器，雖然武器是我們所需要的；不是號召我們去作戰，雖然我們准備應戰；那是號召我們年復一年肩負起持久和勝敗未分的斗爭，「在希望中歡樂，在患難中忍耐」；這是一場對抗人類公敵--暴政、貧困、疾病以及戰爭本身--的斗爭。
我們能否結成一個遍及東西南北的全球性偉大聯盟來對付這些敵人，來確保全人類享有更為富裕的生活?你們是否願意參與這歷史性的努力?
在世界的悠久歷史中，只有很少幾個世代的人賦有這種在自由遭遇最大危機時保衛自由的任務。我決不在這責任之前退縮；我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間會有人願意跟別人及別的世代交換地位。我們在這場努力中所獻出的精力、信念與虔誠、將照亮我們的國家以及所有為國家服務的人，而從這一火焰所聚出的光輝必能照明全世界。
所以，同胞們：不要問你們的國家能為你們做些什麼，而要問你們能為國家做些什麼。
全世界的公民：不要問美國願為你們做些什麼，而應問我們在一起能為人類的自由做些什麼。
最後，不管你是美國的公民或世界它國的公民，請將我們所要求於你們的有關力量與犧牲的高標准拿來要求我們。我們唯一可靠的報酬是問心無愧，我們行為的最後裁判者是歷史，讓我們向前引導我們所摯愛的國土，企求上帝的保佑與扶攜，但我們知道，在這個世界上，上帝的任務肯定就是我們自己所應肩負的任務。

Ⅵ 美國總統肯尼迪有一句名言「不要問美國為你做了什麼、而要問你為美國做了什麼」，談談對這句話的理解

這句話不能按字面上解釋，因為字面上根本解釋不通，美國人會說我們納稅就是在版為國家付出了，那麼權政府拿著納稅人的錢，這個時候就應該做你該做的事了。這句話要聯繫上下文，這是美國總統就職典禮上的一句話，全文意思說的是為了自由我們該做些什麼。

Ⅶ 來自肯尼迪總統為登月計劃發表演講的一個句子

我不說，我們應該或者將會反對空間的懷有敵意誤用變無保護任何的比我們變無保護的更多反對土地和海洋的懷敵意使用。

Ⅷ 有關肯尼迪名言中文版

「不要問你的國家為你做了什麼，而要問一問你為你的國家做了什麼。」

美國同胞們，不要問專國家能為你們做些什屬么，而要問你們能為國家做些什麼。全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什麼，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什麼。 ——約翰 肯尼迪

Ⅸ 肯尼迪就職演講稿 前面的一段話

今天我們慶祝的不是政黨的勝利，而是自由的勝利。這象徵著一個結束，也象徵著一個開端；意味著延續也意味著變革。因為我已在你們和全能的上帝面前，宣讀了我們的先輩在170年前擬定的庄嚴誓言。

現在的世界已大不相同了。人類的巨手掌握著既能消滅人間的各種貧困，又能毀滅人間的各種生活的力量。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有著爭論。這個信念就是人的權利並非來自國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝恩賜。

今天，我們不敢忘記我們是第一次革命的繼承者。讓我們的朋友和敵人同樣聽見我此時此地的講話：火炬已經傳給新一代美國人。這一代人在本世紀誕生，在戰爭中受過鍛煉，在艱難困苦的和平時期受過陶冶，他們為我國悠久的傳統感到自豪——他們不願目睹或聽任我國一向保證的、今天仍在國內外作出保證的人權漸趨毀滅。

讓每個國家都知道——不論它希望我們繁榮還是希望我們衰落一為確保自由的存在和自由的勝利，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負擔，應付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敵人。 這些就是我們的保證——而且還有更多的保證。

對那些和我們有著共同文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證待以誠實朋友那樣的忠誠。我們如果團結一致，就能在許多合作事業中無往不勝：我們如果分歧對立，就會一事無成——因為我們不敢在爭吵不休、四分五裂時迎接強大的挑戰。

對那些我們歡迎其加入到自由行列中來的新國家，我們恪守我們的誓言：決不讓一種更為殘酷的暴政來取代一種消失的殖民統治。我們並不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強地維護自己的自由——而且要記住，在歷史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，終必葬身虎口。

對世界各地身居茅舍和鄉村，為擺脫普遍貧困而斗爭的人們，我們保證盡最大努力幫助他們自立，不管需要花多長時間——之所以這樣做，並不是因為共產黨可能正在這樣做，也不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為這樣做是正確的。自由社會如果不能幫助眾多的窮人，也就無法挽救少數富人。

對我國南面的姐妹共和國，我們提出一項特殊的保證——在爭取進行的新同盟中，把我們善意的話變為善意的行動，幫助自由人們和自由的政府擺脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命決不可以成為敵對國家的犧牲品。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將和他們在一起，反對在美洲任何地區進行侵略和顛覆活動。讓所有其他國家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家園的主人。
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you, and almighty God, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. And yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought are still at issue [4] around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth [5], from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. This much we pledge and more.
To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do, in a host of [6] cooperative ventures [7]. Divided there is little we can do. For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics [8] south of our border, we offer a special pledge, to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for proGREss to assist free men and free governments in casting off [9] the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to re

注釋：

1．Pulitzer Prize：普利策獎，美國的文學獎。

2．Dallas, TX：美國德克薩斯州的達拉斯市，位於美國南部。TX是Texas的簡寫。

3．Prescribed：規定，指示所應遵循的行動方針。我們辦手續時常常聽到的一句話「請填好規定的表格」用英語說就是Please complete the prescribed form。

4．at issue：issue這里是個名詞，意思是「引起討論的問題」。at issue表示正在討論中，也就是存在爭議。The matter is still at issue就是「這個問題還在討論」。

5．go forth：意思是公布、發表，公布發表的東西也是為了讓別人知道，而本文是一篇演講，所以翻譯為「讓……聽到」。

6．a host of：是習慣用法，與of連用，表示許多。He has a host of friends. 的意思就是「他有許多朋友」。

7．Ventures：venture的原意是冒險或冒險事業。有人說： No venture, no success. 意思就是「沒有冒險就沒有成功」。肯尼迪在演講中宣稱的一切理想都需要在未來得以實施。未來總是一個未知數，所以他用了venture這個詞代表他希望施展抱負的事業。而他本人最終遭到暗殺，也恰恰應驗了venture一詞。

8．sister republics：這里是指美國邊界以南的國家，也就是拉丁美洲國家，肯尼迪宣稱把他們都看作美國的姐妹。

9．cast off：原意是松開、放開，比喻意義是拋棄、丟棄。這個動詞片語的賓語是枷鎖，所以引申為掙脫的意思。