肯尼迪的名言

『壹』 肯尼迪的話：不要問國家為你做了什麼的原文在那裡

原文出自1961年1月20日 美國第35任總統約翰·F·肯尼迪的就職演說。肯尼迪總統就職演說原文如下：

John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

(1)肯尼迪的名言擴展閱讀

約翰·肯尼迪在第二次世界大戰期間，他曾在南太平洋英勇救助了落水海軍船員，因而獲頒紫心勛章。在他總統任期內的主要事件包括：豬灣事件、古巴導彈危機、柏林牆的建立、太空競賽、越南戰爭的早期活動以及美國民權運動。

在針對美國總統功績的排名中，肯尼迪通常被歷史學家列在排名的中部偏上的位置，但他卻一直被大多數美國民眾視為歷史上最偉大的總統之一。

肯尼迪於1963年11月22日遇刺身亡，官方在隨後的調查報告中公布的結果表明，李·哈維·奧斯瓦爾德是殺害總統的兇手。

『貳』 有關肯尼迪名言中文版

「不要問你的國家為你做了什麼，而要問一問你為你的國家做了什麼。」

美國同胞們，不要問專國家能為你們做些什屬么，而要問你們能為國家做些什麼。全世界的公民們，不要問美國將為你們做些什麼，而要問我們共同能為人類的自由做些什麼。 ——約翰 肯尼迪

『叄』 美國總統名言警句

yes, you can -奧巴馬

『肆』 『我記得肯尼迪總統有句名言'用英語怎麼說

I remember a famous saying by President Kennedy.

『伍』 里昂·斯科特·肯尼迪的經典語錄

Get down！
翻譯：蹲下！（每次里昂遇見克萊爾時總是這句「get down！」）
Women...
翻譯：女人……（里昂的口頭禪之一，劇情線最早是出現在《生化危機2》。克萊爾營救雪莉之後執意要從地下離開浣熊市，並主動與里昂切斷通訊，並且此時是艾達離開里昂獨自去調查某些事情的時候）
Your right hand comes off?
翻譯：你的右手脫落了？（如果他知道右手的厲害就不會這樣說了……游俠網的翻譯更雷人：「你要玩斷臂？」）
Freeze! I say freeze!
翻譯：別動！我說別動！（李老漢凶神惡煞的你還玩什麼紳士風度，開槍不就得了？）
Shit！（《生化危機4》中罵了四次，表現了直爽的性格）
Great...just my luck.
翻譯：不錯，我的運氣真好。（跟哈尼根失去聯絡時的話，充分自嘲）
Run!!!!
翻譯：跑！！！！(保安的電梯飛向安琪拉的時候里昂的表情是有史以來最激動的)
If you don't try to save a life, you won't save any!
翻譯：如果您不嘗試挽救一條生命，你就保護不了任何東西！（真理性）
Krauser, what happened on you? You used to be a good guy...
翻譯：克勞薩，你怎麼了？你曾經是個好人……（惡人不是生下來就為惡的）
Saddler you bastard.
翻譯：薩德勒，你這個混賬。（像小孩子一樣）
Now that's what I call backup.
翻譯：這才是我說的增援。（孤身作戰太久終於有火力支援了）
You can run，but you can『t hide.
翻譯：你逃得了一時，但逃不了一世。（里昂在拿炮塔瞄準躲避的暴君時的嘲諷，危急時刻還有心情開玩笑，明顯的自信十足。）
Great！（里昂在生化危機：詛咒里至少說了3次，每一次都是在感慨自己的窘境。）
Ada！ （在生化危機2、4、6和黑暗歷代記都說過，尤其是在和Ada分離時。）
Sorry, but following a lady's lead just isn't my style.
翻譯：抱歉，聽女人的話可不是我的作風。（男人通性）
A bit of advice: try using knives next time. Works better for close encounters.
翻譯：一點建議：下一次近身戰試試用刀。（他近身戰再怎麼厲害也比不過克勞薩吧……）
I think this is the local way of breaking the ice?
翻譯：我想這就是你們本地人打破沉默的方式吧。（直爽，帶有對兩位警察的調侃）
Story of my life!
翻譯：人生之不如意十有八九！（又譯：我坎坷的人生啊）（和阿什利逃出孤島，和哈尼肯通話，要約哈尼肯，被委婉拒絕後的感慨）
Come on.Don't be shy！
翻譯：來吧，別害羞！（難道生化B.O.W暴君在他眼裡只是個小孩子？）
And let me guess? You got the last one.
翻譯：讓我猜猜？你拿著最後一個。
I'd feel the same way if I was you, but the option of taking our own lives no longer belongs to us.Once we start using these,we owe it to the people who died alongside us we have to continue living...that is my answer,and your answer.
翻譯：如果我是你我也會有同感，但是輕生的選擇權已經不再屬於我們。一旦我們拿起這個（槍），我們就虧欠了所有周圍死去的人們。我們要活下去……這就是我的回答，也是你的。（詛咒中最後勸巴迪的話）
Enough is enough.
翻譯：給我適可而止。
Welcome to the club.
翻譯：歡迎加入打喪屍俱樂部。（初遇傑克，面對生化兵器時的調侃……）
Back for more?
翻譯：回來受死嗎？（再次面對西蒙斯的調侃……昂叔這些年自嘲已經到了大神級別）
You chose the role of rescuer rather than fighter, like me. You chose a path that your brother and I couldn't follow. You weren't wrong.
翻譯：你選擇去拯救別人而不像我選擇了去做一個鬥士。你選的這條路是你哥哥和我永遠無法去做到。你沒有錯。（惡化裡面 參議員隱瞞實情導致克萊爾以為自己這么多年反對威爾法瑪公司是錯的 因此很沮喪 里昂前去安慰她時如是說。貼心暖男啊...克萊爾你就從了吧...）
Next time we bump into each other, let's hope it's some place... a little more normal.
翻譯：下次咱偶遇的時候，希望能是在一個...更正常的地方（電影惡化結局時里昂跟克萊爾開玩笑，因為兩人每次見面都是在有喪屍的危難關頭。這句話被一些國外里昂迷們理解為里昂和克萊爾兩人糾結的緣分的一種無奈調侃...）

『陸』 美國總統肯尼迪有一句名言「不要問美國為你做了什麼、而要問你為美國做了什麼」，談談對這句話的理解

這句話不能按字面上解釋，因為字面上根本解釋不通，美國人會說我們納稅就是在版為國家付出了，那麼權政府拿著納稅人的錢，這個時候就應該做你該做的事了。這句話要聯繫上下文，這是美國總統就職典禮上的一句話，全文意思說的是為了自由我們該做些什麼。

『柒』 使命召喚7有句名言,好像是肯尼迪說的.

肯尼迪因為沉溺於現在所以失去了未來，呵呵～

『捌』 肯尼迪的世界名言

「不要問你的國家為你做了什麼，而要問一問你為你的國家做了什專么。」屬
「Ask not what the country can do for you，ask what you can do for the country」

『玖』 肯尼迪的名言：最大的危險是無所行動。這句話的英文原話是什麼

古巴導彈危機回答My fellow citizens: l..........................................................................................aware of our dangers. But [ the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing ].